Summaries per article with Deception in Clinical Settings at University of Groningen 21/22

Summaries per article with Deception in Clinical Settings at University of Groningen 21/22

Table of content

  • Response styles in research
  • Syndromes associated with deception
  • Factitious disorders (deliberately falsifying symptoms) in medical and psychiatric practices
  • What is Munchausen by proxy syndrome?
  • Approaching and providing feedback to patients regarding invalid test performance in the clinical practice
  • Feigning vs malingering in the medical practice
  • Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse
  • Testing performance validity in assessments of children and adolescents
  • Clinical strategies to assess the credibility of presentations in children
  • Why do children feign presentations?
  • The residual effect of feigning
  • Polygraph techniques and integrity testing
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Article summary of An introduction to response styles by Rogers - Chapter

Article summary of An introduction to response styles by Rogers - Chapter


Why do all individuals fall short of full and accurate self-disclosure?

Complete and accurate self-disclosure is rare, because everybody is selective in sharing personal information. The decisions we make about our response styles, whether we disclose or deceive, are mostly rational and based on various circumstances (multidetermined). Also, we do not have one general response style, but individualize our response to interpersonal variables (liking or disliking the other person) or situational demands (explaining your former behavior). Most response styles are based on personal goals in particular settings. The response styles are both internally and externally influenced. These influences have to be considered when looking at ones self-report. This is quite difficult because we lack standardized measures to systematically evaluate these personal factors.

According to Rogers, when should deceptions be considered with regards to response styles?

The author of this article states that only consequential deceptions and distortions should be considered in the context of response styles. He also states that mental health professionals should decide if any evidence, even when it’s questionable, should be routinely included in forensic and clinical reports. This decision, which will be taken with ethical and professional consideration, will most likely be influenced by two factors:

  • Do you want a report to be accurate or complete?
  • Will the clinical findings be used or misused by others?

How can we define response styles?

In order to perform proper research, standardization of terms and operationalization of response styles is necessary. The response styles are divided into four categories, namely nonspecific terms, overstated pathology, simulated adjustment, and other response styles.

What is meant with overspecification of response styles?

One of the most common mistakes clinicians make is the overspecification of response styles. Practitioners try to determine a specific response style that best fits the clinical data, but this often results in the specification of a response style even when the data is conflicting or unconvincing. Therefore, clinicians should always consider whether the clinical data support nonspecific descriptions and, if so, if there is enough data to determine a specific response style.

What are nonspecific terms?

Some nonspecific terms that can be used are:

  • Unreliability: describes doubts about the accuracy of reported information without making assumptions about the intent of the individual. Most useful with conflicting clinical data.
  • Nondisclosure: describes the withholding of information without making assumptions about the intent of the individual, as people are free to decide what information they want to share.
  • Self-disclosure: low self-disclosure does not imply dishonesty, but an unwillingness to share personal information.
  • Deception: describes any consequential attempts by individuals to distort or misrepresent their self-report. It includes acts of deceit, often accompanied by nondisclosure.
  • Dissimulation: describes someone who is intentionally misrepresenting or distorting psychological symptoms, but does not show malingering, defensiveness or other specific response style.

How can overstated pathology be categorized?

It is important to distinguish between malingering and other terms to describe overstated pathology. The recommended terms for categorizing overstated pathology are:

  • Malingering: intentionally producing grossly exaggerated or false psychological or physical symptoms motivated by external incentives. This does not completely exclude the co-occurrence of internal motivations. Isolated symptoms or minor exaggerations do not qualify for the diagnosis.
  • Factitious presentations: intentionally producing or feigning grossly exaggerated or false psychological or physical symptoms motivated by assuming the sick role. The presence of external motivation excludes this diagnosis.
  • Feigning: intentionally producing grossly exaggerated or false psychological or physical symptoms without any clear motivation or goal.

Because of the importance of well-defined and validated descriptions, some terms should be avoided by clinicians because they lack precision or clarity, or have conflicting meanings. Therefore, terms such as suboptimal effort, overreporting and secondary gain shouldn’t be used.

How can simulated adjustment be categorized?

There are three terms used to categorize simulated adjustment:

  • Social desirability: desire to present oneself in the most desirable way, by the attribution of positive characteristics and denial of negative characteristics.
  • Defensiveness: describes the intentional denial or gross minimization of physical and psychological symptoms.
  • Impression management: intentional efforts to control how others perceive the individual. This is often more situationally driven than based on social desirability, and individuals may use this response style for several different purposes which are not prosocial.

What other response styles can be identified?

Some response styles are less well understood than terms like malingering. They are categorized as ‘other response styles’, and four of them will be outlined:

  • Hybrid responding: using more than one response style in a particular situation. It shows the importance of considering response styles to be adaptive.
  • Irrelevant responding: used when the individual isn’t psychologically engaged in the assessment procedures, and gives answers that are not particularly related to the content of the investigation.
  • Random responding: responding in an irrelevant way, based on chance factors (e.g. finishing a test in 5 minutes that usually takes 1,5 hours).
  • Role assumption: when an individual assumes the role of another character when responding to the psychological measures. This response style is still poorly understood.

What misconceptions exist about malingering?

Many misconceptions are held by both the general public and clinicians. The most commonly used misconceptions are summarized here:

  • Deception is evidence for malingering: you cannot say that every liar is malingering.
  • Malingering is a non-changeable response style: on the contrary, more often malingering appears to be related to specific goals in specific contexts.
  • Antisocial persons use malingering, because it is an antisocial act: this misconception exists because the DSM uses an antisocial personality disorder as an indicator for malingering. We shouldn’t confuse common characteristics with discriminating characteristics.
  • Malingering is very rare: some practitioners just simply ignore the possibility of malingering, even though its neglect is a serious omission.
  • Someone who is malingering cannot suffer from genuine disorders: when practitioners find out that some of the symptoms were fabricated, they usually dismiss all symptoms as bogus. This isn’t always the case.
  • Malingering has stable base rates: on the contrary, they are quite variable.
  • Malingering is similar to the iceberg phenomenon: not any evidence for malingering is sufficient in order to get the diagnosis. People falsely assume that any observable feigning, similar to the visible tip of the iceberg, proves a pervasive pattern of malingering

Which clinical and research models can be identified to help understand response styles?

  • The predicted-utility model. The motivational basis for response styles has also been referred to as explanatory models. Essentially, choosing a certain response style is almost always based on predicted utility, even though general deception consists of various forms of nondisclosure and dishonesty. We call this the predicted-utility model. Although this is the most commonly used model, there are some other models explaining different motivations for malingering.
  • The adaptational model. This model states that malingerers make a cost-benefit analysis in order to choose feigning psychological impairments.
  • The pathogenic model states that an underlying disorder motivates the malingering. They produce symptoms because of their inability to control their underlying disorder, and as their condition deteriorates, can possibly lose control over their feigned disorder. This model is not representative for most malingerers.
  • The criminological model explains the primary motivation for malingering as being an antisocial act committed by an antisocial person. This conception exists, because the DSM uses an antisocial personality disorder as an indicator for malingering. We shouldn’t confuse common characteristics with discriminating characteristics.

Which research designs are related to response styles?

There are four basic research designs used in studies concerning response styles. They all have their strengths, but can also be misused by clinicians. A quick overview:

  • Simulation Design: participants are randomly assigned to different experimental groups, and afterwards compared with the results of relevant clinical groups. This method has strong internal validity, but the external validity is limited because the participants don’t face the same difficult circumstances of succeeding or failing.
  • Known-groups comparison: uses independently established groups to evaluate specific response styles. The internal validity is weak, because researchers have no control over experimental assignment or other standardized procedures. External validity is strong, because the participants, settings, issues and incentives fit real-world consideration.
  • Differential prevalence design: based on assumed incentives, greater numbers of broadly defined groups are presumed to have specific response styles when compared with a second group. The internal validity is weak, because researchers have no control over experimental assignment or other standardized procedures.The external validity is moderate, because of the lack of ground truth, like independent classification of response styles, battles against knowing which participants are tempting to engage in which response styles. This research design cannot be clinically used.
  • Bootstrapping comparisons: specificity is maximized (no genuine patients are labeled malingerers) by using multiple detection strategies and the application of cut scores. This makes it possible to preserve moderate sensitivity (most feigners are labeled malingerers). The internal validity is weak, because researchers have no control over experimental assignment or other standardized procedures. External validity is moderately strong, because the participants, settings, issues and incentives fit real-world consideration and researchers typically have a high level of confidence for one relevant group.
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Article summary of Syndromes associated with deception by Vitacco - Chapter

Article summary of Syndromes associated with deception by Vitacco - Chapter


What are some important features of deception?

Individuals can have different motivates for deception at different times. A few important features about deception need to be kept in mind:

  • Deception is a multidimensional construct that manifests differently across situations and settings.
  • Deception is not taxonic - it is a dimensional construct that can change in direction and intensity.
  • Deception is frequently adaptive.
  • Individuals who deceive are not always aware of their motives for the deception.

What conceptual issues exist regarding feigning and related response styles?

  • Individual’s motivations need to be carefully considered. Factitious disorders are usually viewed as existing on a continuum, and symptoms of malingering and factitious disorder can be difficult to disentangle.
  • Isolated test results cannot be equated with a classification of feigning or malingering. Clinicians should use a multimodal approach that integrates information from behavioral observations, health history, criminal history, and objective psychological testing.
  • Behaviors associated with malingering are not taxonic.
  • There can be multiple determinants of motivations related to feigning and deceptive behaviors. Behaviors can span more than one explanatory model.
  • Clinicians should use empirically validated terms.

Which types of malingering can be distinguished?

Resnick, West, and Payne subtyped malingering by the level of fabrication and exaggeration and distinguished three types of malingering:

  • False imputation: symptoms are attributed to an etiologically unrelated cause.
  • Partial malingering: exaggerating symptoms that individuals do not longer have.
  • Full malingering: intentionally fabricating and exaggeration of symptoms for external incentives.

In which ways can deception be manifested as part of psychopathology?

Many clinicians think that any form of deception is an indicator of malingering, even though several DSM diagnoses include deception as an important aspect. There is also a difference between syndromes in which deception is planned and voluntary, and syndromes where deception is much less under control of the patient. In the following section you find an overview of disorders associated with various types of deception.

What are disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders?

Oppositional Defiant Disorder (ODD) and Conduct Disorders (CD), diagnosed during childhood, are seen as precursors of developing more antisocial behavior later on in life. ODD and CD interfere with the development of positive family and peer relationships. In both disorders, deceitfulness is a core part of the diagnostic criteria. Researchers have highlighted that early engagement in conduct problems which are less severe, like lying, often develop more severe types of violent behavior in adulthood. In both ODD and CD, the deception is conscious as well as voluntary.

What is reactive attachment disorder?

Reactive Attachment Disorder (RAD) is defined by the DSM as a developmentally inappropriate social relatedness in most contexts, starting before the age of 5. The disorder is associated with much pathological care. It is a distortion in the early attachment, because of which the child often shows sociopathic behavior, including deception. Adolescents and adults who have a history of attachment problems are at higher risk of developing antisocial behaviors like cheating, lying and vandalism. Clinicians should pay attention to early home environments in order to be able to make a distinction between ODD, CD and RAD. Children with RAD try to overcome the abuse they experienced during their childhood through the use of superficial charm and manipulation.

What is a factitious disorder imposed on self?

Factitious Disorder (FD) is described as intentionally producing or feigning grossly exaggerated or false psychological or physical symptoms motivated by assuming the sick role. The presence of external motivation excludes this diagnosis. The symptoms can become apparent because they only present when the individual is observed, there is an atypical or dramatic presentation of the symptoms, covert use of substances etc. The presentation of the symptoms vary according to the disorder that is feigned, and a wide range of symptoms have been suggested to be associated with FD. Unfortunately, patients with FD are most often unwilling to cooperate with diagnostic procedures, which makes it difficult to effectively diagnose the disorder.

What is a factitious disorder imposed by another?

Factitious Disorder imposed by another (FDIA) is a variant of factitious disorder in which caregivers fabricate, exaggerate or make up physical or psychological symptoms in others, most often their children. When there is evidence suggesting the illness of a child is caused by a parent, a distinction has to be made between illness because of neglect and illness because of purposeful efforts to fabricate or induce a disorder. It is still unclear why people develop FDIA, but some explanatory models suggest motivations.

  • The pathogenic model suggests over-attachment with the child or a rigid, defensive style.
  • The criminological model suggests psychopathy and previous criminal convictions as explanations.
  • Motivations of financial gain or attempts to resolve family conflict are presented by the adaptational model.

What role does deception play in a substance abuse disorder?

Substance abuse (SA) is often the cause of frequent lying, minimizing and denying in order to hide and be able to continue the abuse. De DSM states that in order to be diagnosed with SA, a great amount of time must be spent on obtaining, using, hiding and recovering from substance abuse, and deception is used to conceal these behaviors. The different explanatory models also have different explanations for developing these behaviors. Awareness for all kinds of reasons to deceive is necessary when dealing with SA. Multiple motivations are applicable.

  • The pathogenic model may partially apply to people who are depending on highly addictive drugs
  • The criminological model fits a broader pattern of antisocial behavior.
  • The adaptational model may explain how substance abusers cope with adversarial circumstances, like getting medication for simulated pain when the actual problem is an Axis II disorder.

What role does deception play in eating disorders?

Eating Disorders like anorexia and bulimia include several deceptive manners in order to enable obsessive and compulsive behavior regarding their weight and body image. In these disorders, deception is often used to maintain having a feeling of control. In these cases, family deceptiveness is often identified as a factor in the etiology.

What are paraphilias?

Sexual abuse and Paraphilias are, according to the DSM, sexual deviations or perversions with behaviors or sexual urges focusing on unusual objects, activities or situations: in short, maladapted sexual behavior. These behaviors are deviant and illegal, and therefore may lead to imprisoning. Defensiveness, minimization and lying are key features of paraphilias and sexual abuse. Individuals may also develop cognitive distortions, which may present characteristic patterns of thinking that are potentially less voluntary. There are several motivations for deception among sexual offenders. They may use deceptive techniques regarding victims, but also to avoid being sentenced. Some people have suffered from abuse themselves and because of that have been unable to develop appropriate social skills and the ability to form age-appropriate interpersonal relationships.

What are personality disorders?

Personality Disorders and Psychopathy. People with a personality disorder show chronic, maladaptive patterns of thoughts and behaviors. They have a tendency to lie and behave in deceptive manners, which is most obvious in the antisocial personality disorder (APD). Other Axis II disorders like borderline also contain deception as an important feature. Psychopathy is a syndrome associated with the APD. It is a collection of behavioral and personality traits in conjunction with antisocial behavior. It seems that some psychopaths are excellent liars, but nevertheless most psychopaths are no more effective than other offenders at malingering. Psychopathy is unrelated to malingering, and using it as a criteria would lead to high levels of misdiagnoses. Psychopathy is related to deception, but is not a symptom or predictor for malingering.

Which other syndromes are related to deception?

What is parental alienation syndrome?

Child Custody and Parental Alienation Syndrome (PAS) occurs in custody cases in which a parent tries to maximize his/her own qualities and likeability, and minimize everything that’s positive about the other parent and make him/her appear less fit. Defensiveness is a regular feature of custody cases. PAS is a controversial, quite unaccepted clinical construct. It occurs when the dominant parent pressures the child to choose his/her side, and the child can deceive by complying with these expectations. It can also be the dominant parent lying about the other parent to limit access. Unfortunately, the validity of PAS remains far from settled.

What is false-memory syndrome?

False-Memory Syndrome focuses on the degree to which the trauma-based memories remain present in the absence of any objective evidence and the degree to which these memories define the individual’s life, leading to an inability to handle adult responsibilities. Such repressed memories have been the subject of several lawsuits. Clinicians should continue to consider the possibilities when dealing with sudden-onset memories, including potential for malingering and factitious disorder.

What is chronic fatigue syndrome?

Chronic Fatigue Syndrome (CFS) is characterized by exhaustion and extreme fatigue which makes everyday tasks extremely difficult to accomplish. There are many mental health symptoms that can co-occur with CFS, including malingering and factitious disorder. Many researchers warn of the association of malingering with CFS, because it can create unhealthy mistrust between patients and doctors. Because of the possible incentives, deception is definitely possible but clinicians should be careful with their judgement.

Which models can be used to decide whether deception is voluntary or not?

It is very difficult to decide whether deception is voluntary or not. In order to help make this decision, two models can be used.

  • The threshold model functions as a screen for identifying potential cases of dissimulation that require further evaluation. The criteria are low in order to minimize missing individuals engaged in a specific response style.
  • The clinician-decision model represents a definite conclusion about the presence of a specific response style or general deception. A definitive conclusion with this model cannot be reached without substantial evidence to support it.
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Article summary of Factitious disorders in medical and psychiatric practices by Yates et al. - Chapter

Article summary of Factitious disorders in medical and psychiatric practices by Yates et al. - Chapter


What are factitious disorders?

Patients with factitious disorders deliberately falsify symptoms associated with physical or psychological illness, injury, or impairment in themselves or others. They may engage in a variety of deceptive behaviors in order to exaggerate or entirely feign the appearance of a medical problem. Common forms of such behaviors are exaggerating the severity of a genuine medical problem, falsely reporting symptoms, acting as if certain symptoms are present when they are not, or interfering with medical tests or test results. Two types of factitious disorders are distinguished, namely factitious disorder imposed on self (FDIOS) and factitious disorder imposed on another (FDIOA). 

How have factitious disorders been diagnostically classified?

We can date the modern scientific recognition of factitious disorders to 1951 with Richard Asher’s introduction of the term Munchausen’s syndrome to describe a chronic pattern of feigned illness behavior. In 1977 Roy Meadow introduced the term Munchausen by proxy to describe a parallel condition in which parents or caretakers falsify health information or produce factitious disease in children. 

How have factitious disorders been classified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)?

Factitious disorders were first included in the third edition of the DSM in 1980. They identified three criteria: 1) deliberately feigned symptoms, 2) sick-role motivation, 3) absence of external incentives. These criteria were maintained until the fifth edition of the DSM in 2013. In that edition there are a few important changes:

  • Factitious disorders are no longer a separate chapter, but are part of somatic symptoms and related disorders. This change was made, because somatic symptoms are often the predominant feature in factitious disorders, and most of the cases are found in medical settings rather than psychiatric settings. 

  • The terms “FD imposed on self”  and “FD imposed on another” are introduced. 

  • The criteria for factitious disorders are changed, to shift the focus of diagnostic assessment away from drawing inferences about underlying motivation. More importantly is the identification of intentional deception, because somatic syndromes lack this intentionally deceptive quality. Motivation to assume the sick role has been removed as a requirement. The revised criteria now are: 1) feigning or the covert production of illness, 2) pretending to be ill, impaired, or injured, 3) deception that occurs without apparent external motivation, 4) exclusion of other disorders. 

What is factitious disorder imposed on self (FDIOS)?

The clinical presentation of factitious medical disorders is highly variable and medical falsification can come in multiple forms, such as exaggerated symptoms or medical history, outright lies about symptoms or medical history, simulations of medical illnesses through the production of compelling signs or symptoms, manipulations to prolong or exacerbate an existing illness, or actual self-induction of a disease. Most of the time a patient will use more than one of these methods of deception. Research indicates that almost any medical problem can be falsified, and with the internet patients are able to research complex diagnoses, forge laboratory reports, and order pharmaceutical drugs. A factitious disorder is more likely to be uncovered in cases that include simulation or self-induction of medical signs, because the diagnosis relies on conclusive evidence of intentional medical deception. For patients that only falsify their medical history or exaggerate symptoms it is more difficult to diagnose factitious disorder. 

What are factitious psychological disorders?

Patients with factitious disorder imposed on self may feign or produce psychiatric illnesses such as alcohol abuse, hallucinations, suicidal or homicidal ideation, pain disorders, Stockholm syndrome, dissociative identity disorder, cult brainwashing, pedophilia, zoophilia, exhibitionism. The symptoms of the patient are often more pronounced when the doctors or medical staff are present and the discrepancies between what the patients describe and what their actual behavior or appearance is become visible. Patients’ symptoms often represent their stereotyped understanding of the mental illness, and medications indicated for that mental illness seem ineffective. The patients are also often unusually receptive to psychiatric hospitalization.  

What role does drug abuse play in factitious psychological disorders?

Among patients with factitious psychological disorders the misuse of drugs and alcohol is common. They may use psychoactive substances to produce actual signs that suggest a mental disorder. The difference between factitious and actual drug abusers is that the factitious disorder patient induces an altered state as a way to mislead caregivers and others, not as an end in itself. 

What is factitious psychosis?

Factitious presentation of psychotic symptoms are very common. Two groups can be identified. The first group is associated with hysterical psychosis. The patients in this group seemed to be suggestible and hypnotizable, which indicates that they may possess a degree of voluntary control over their symptoms. The second group consists mostly of women with severe personality disorders, and involves patients with voluntary control over psychotic symptoms. They appeared to perform more poorly on measures of global assessment and social functioning than patients with actual manic and schizophrenic disorders. 

What is factitious traumatization? 

Patients sometimes fabricate the loss of a loved one with resulting depression or suicidality. They often reveal especially tragic or gruesome deaths. They also often display more pathological moods and behaviors than those of the genuinely bereaved, such as variable or angry affect, feigned physical illness, suicide attempts, pathological lying, and refusal or treatment. Patients may also falsify PTSD symptoms, or they may falsify both their traumas and their symptoms. 

How can patients be diagnosed with a factitious disorder?

Research has indicated some common factors that have often led to a diagnosis of FDIOS, namely: 

  • a discrepancy between the patient’s reported symptoms and the results of objective tests

  • patients that are caught in the act, or when a search of their belongings reveals suspicious items

  • when factitious illness and its response to treatment are atypical, improbable, or impossible

  • when patients give dramatic, inconsistent, or selective information about themselves and their medical history (the information is often contradictory with the information gathered from medical notes or family or friends)

  • when patients have an usual use of medical terminology and an eagerness for uncomfortable or invasive medical procedures

A problem with the diagnosis of FDIOS is the difficulty of establishing deceptiveness. The criterion is not well established and defined. Psychological and behavioral parameters of voluntariness of symptom production are not given. 

How common is FDIOS? 

Reliable epidemiological data regarding the prevalence of FDIOS is difficult to obtain as secretiveness and intentional deceit are central features. Clinicians are also reluctant to document the disorder for fear of patients taking legal action, disengaging from care, or failing to be taken seriously by hospital staff at a future time when they are in genuine need of medical care. The course of FDIOS is difficult to ascertain as the patients cannot be relied upon to give an accurate history of their medical past, so not much is known about the onset or development of the illness, nor the long-term outcomes. It is expected that patients typically progress from less to more extreme modes of medical deception, and from an episodic to a chronic pattern. 

What are the characteristics of FDIOS patients?

The majority of patients are women with the mean age of 34. Most are reasonably well educated, employed, or in school, and persons with medical or laboratory training are significantly represented. They are connected to a network of family and social contacts, though get few visitors in hospital. They often show signs of lawlessness, self-destructiveness, problems with developing and maintaining relationships, and pathological lying. Also reported is substantial comorbidity with other mental disorders (most common depression, followed by personality disorder and substance abuse). 

What are the causes of FDIOS?

Patients know that they are fabricating a disease, but may not know why they are doing so. It may be a way of coping with poor interpersonal attachments and identity problems, which is supported by strong associations between FDIOS and a history of abuse. The lies often seem to increase self-esteem and solicit interest and admiration from others. 

What is the prognosis of FDIOS?

Factitious disorders imposed on self are associated with morbidity and mortality. The behaviors may lead to disease and disability (not always intentional) and causes physicians to have to perform unnecessary surgeries and treatments. 

What is the treatment for FDIOS?

Treatment is considered impossible due to a lack of cooperation, personality disorders, and sudden departures. Patients often react with denial, aggression, or threats of legal action when confronted. The suspicion of FDIOS must be communicated to others involved in the patient’s medical care. Depending on the symptoms, medical care and psychotherapy may be prescribed and in some cases (when there is risk of engaging in harmful illness behavior) involuntary hospitalization may be necessary (as willingness to enter into treatment is low). Pharmacological interventions are not effective. The best achievable goal is cessation of the illness behavior, for example by telling the patient that not responding to standard treatment confirms self-induced illness. Then while treating the primary comorbid condition, the factitious behaviors can be dealt with. 

What is factitious disorder imposed on another (FDIOA)?

Patients take on the role of caregiver for a sick person by intentionally feigning or producing signs and symptoms of disease in that person. The victims are often children, but can also be disabled adults, elders, or even fetuses. Here is mainly spoken of the relationship of mother and child. The mother may claim that the child is medically or psychiatrically ill, or may make the child actually ill. She will then deny knowledge of the cause of the problem while the child undergoes diagnostic tests, medication trials, and surgeries. Symptoms commonly induced are bleeding, apnea by suffocation, diarrhea, vomiting, fever, abnormal levels of consciousness (for example induced by medications), rash, and false or exaggerated psychiatric or behavioral abnormalities.

How can FDIOA be diagnosed?

There is no empirical evidence that psychiatric examinations are helpful for identifying parents with FDIOA. A big problem is that the alleged abuser often appears a dedicated and concerned parent. However, Dr. Marc Feldman proposed these criteria that focus on objective observation to diagnose FDIOA: 

  1. Episodes of illness begin when the mother is or has recently been alone with the child, or the child has symptoms only the mother has seen 

  2. Illness disappears when the child is separated from the mother 

  3. Other children in the family have had unexplained illnesses

  4. The mother has provided false information about the child 

  5. Physiological results are consistent with induced illness 

  6. The suspected disease or disease pattern is extremely rare 

  7. Symptoms do not respond to appropriate treatment 

  8. The child has seen several different medical care providers without a cure or diagnosis 

  9. The mother has medical or nursing training 

  10. The mother has a personal history of somatic symptom disorder 

  11. The mother is unresponsive to the child’s needs when unaware of being observed 

  12. Additionally, covert video surveillance can provide proof of FDIOA if the parent continues to abuse the child during hospitalization. 

How common is FDIOA?

Reliable epidemiological data regarding the prevalence of FDIOA is constrained by the elusive nature of the diagnosis, and pediatricians’  lack of familiarity with the diagnosis. Illnesses most often fabricated are asthma and allergies. The perpetrators are mostly the mothers of the children, though in some cases also other relatives or caretakers, day care providers, and health care providers. The perpetrators often also have FDIOS and a history of excessive illness behavior. Their behavior seems motivated by different unmet psychological needs, often extending to the wider family system. 

What is the treatment for FDIOA?

Child protection agencies must be alerted when FDIOA is suspected. Even if only temporary, to be able to detect FDIOA, the mother must be separated from the child. This separation is often accompanied by changes in the medication, therapeutic services and diet (also to make clear the role played by the perpetrator with regards to the victim’s health problems). Whether or not a child can be reunited with the parent depends on the following criteria: a) if the child has sufficient cognitive development to report abuse, b) only mild abuse, c) an understanding of the perpetrators as to why the abuse took place, d) identification of trigger situations, and e) understanding of partner complicities. The extended family should also be committed to the safety of the victim and long-term monitoring must be provided. 

What is recommended for the future? 

As patients with factitious disorders respond to confrontation with denial and disengagement, it is a very difficult area of research. However, the following recommendations are made:

  • Consolidation of (anonymous) case reports to detect patterns. That will allow authors to submit cases that are unsuitable for journal publications. 

  • Increasing the implementation of screening measures for psychosocial correlates in primary care facilities (which is where cases of factitious disorders are most often found). Being able to test for a Cluster B personality trait can be useful for assessing evidence of psychosocial motivations underlying factitious presentations and corroborate other clinical information. 

  • Using the experience of health care professionals who have encountered factitious disorders. 

  • Anonymous data collection (for example through the internet)

  • More widespread use of electronic medical records to be able to reveal previous patterns of excessive and unnecessary treatment-seeking behavior. The problems with electronic medical records are, however, that they often lack narrative comments and that they can only be revealed if the patient agrees to release them. 

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Article summary of Munchausen by proxy syndrome by Moseley & Day - Chapter

Article summary of Munchausen by proxy syndrome by Moseley & Day - Chapter


What is Munchausen’s syndrome?

In 1951, Asher first labeled adult patients who present for treatment of fabricated symptoms with Munchausen’s syndrome. These people are also referred to as hospital addicts, since they continuously seek medical help and services. They do so even when they face serious risks by undergoing these (unnecessary) procedures. The reason for their behavior would be getting emotional gratification from their deceptive relationships with their doctors.

What is Munchausen by proxy syndrome?

Munchausen by Proxy Syndrome (MBP) is a form of child abuse in which a parent (usually the mother) intentionally fabricates symptoms of illness in a child, or induces the symptoms the child already suffers from. Most of the time, the fabricated or induced symptoms are consistent with life-threatening and/or chronic disorders. Parents who do this to their child are usually looking for rewards in the form of attention and support provided by family, friends and society. They want others to see them as heroes because of the way they handle the seriousness of their child’s illness.

How prevalent is Munchausen by proxy syndrome?

Because many physicians do not include the diagnosis of MBP in their discharge summaries, there is a substantial underestimate of the prevalence of the disorder. Also, only the worst cases are mentioned in saved records. There is quite a long period of time between the onset of symptoms and the diagnosis, and the diagnosis itself can take up to 6 to 15 months.

How does DSM-IV define factitious disorder?

MBP is registered in DSM-IV as factitious disorder by proxy. The disorder is defined as intentionally feigning or producing physical or psychological symptoms in another person who is under the individual’s care, with the aim of assuming the sick role. There are no external rewards present for the behavior, such as financial gain. Most of the time, the diagnosis is derived from a very lengthy process of elimination of other possible explanations for the symptoms.

What is the difference between pediatric condition falsification and factitious disorder by proxy?

This changed when Ayoub proposed a model that should improve diagnostic accuracy. A few years later, in 2002, the model was presented as a position paper by the American Professional Society on the Abuse of Children (APSAC). This model divides MBP into two functional components. The first component is labeled pediatric condition falsification (PCF), which acknowledges the falsification of the medical presentation of the child. It describes the form of child abuse in which a parent or caregiver intentionally feigns symptoms in a child. The second component is called factitious disorder by proxy (FDP). This component emphasizes the specific psychiatric diagnosis of the parent, and gives this as motivation for the behavior (missing in the original diagnosis of PCF).

What are the advantages of Ayoub’s model?

The model allows doctors to identify PCF more quickly and thereby protect the child in an earlier stage. Also, this makes it possible to leave the determination of the perpetrator’s motivation and psychopathology to qualified mental health professionals. Furthermore, this way the judicial system can be included at an earlier point in the investigation. Psychologists can provide the court with information needed for effective intervention with the family and relevant information regarding treatment, instead of using the court to ensure compliance and collaboration by the family members. All in all, using this model makes it easier for epidemiologists to more accurately identify the extent of child abuse as a result of factitious symptom presentation.

What increases the risk of misdiagnosis of MBP?

When parents deliberately manipulate medical information, the authors believe that MBP must always be considered. There is however always the risk of misdiagnosis and the following situations can increase the risk of misdiagnosing MBP:

  • Overacting of symptoms by a parent whose child is recovering from a documented health crisis (for example with prematurity).
  • The description of extreme symptoms which are not present at the time of the medical examination because of variability in the child’s authentic symptoms (like with asthma).
  • A parent who is overanxious and therefore appears to access excessive care for the child, but is non-abusive.
  • Conscious exaggeration of symptoms by the parent without any intention to deceive, but with the purpose of drawing attention to the original symptom.
  • The child or parent is malingering, there is no factitious disorder.
  • The child suffers from a medical disorder that has eluded detection and may be rare.
  • The child’s illness threatens to become worse because of noncompliance by the parent with the prescribed medical treatment.
  • The parent does fabricate symptoms and feigns the child’s illness, but shows no MBP motivation (for instance because they are suffering from a psychotic disorder and are experiencing hallucinations/delusions).
  • Someone deliberately levels a false MBP accusation because of personal conflict (for example in a high-conflict divorce).

How can MBP be detected?

  • Doctors and other medical staff may get suspicious and recognize the potential of a MBP case when a disproportionate number of hospitalizations and physician visits occurs, or when the symptoms reported are highly unusual or inconsistent.
  • There is more medical staff to observe the child in case of hospitalization, and in combination with the collection of laboratory specimens for analysis, mother perpetrators get discovered because the specimen appears to be tampered with.
  • It is likely that the amount of active induction of symptoms grows in the hospital environment, because the mother wants to convince the doctor of the necessity of more tests and procedures.
  • The educational system may also be the referral source, because they detect an inordinate number of school days missed because of illness, medical procedures and doctor’s visits.
  • Finally, when the medical staff gets suspicious about the role of the mother perpetrator regarding the symptoms, doctors may choose to use covert surveillance through video-taping in the hospital setting to obtain evidence.

What are the characteristics of mother perpetrators?

They appear to be deceptive and manipulative about many aspects of their lives. Many details about their history in life are fabricated. They often have an education in or experience with the medical field. They insist on managing the child’s care, especially medications and medical equipment. They often suffer from post-traumatic stress syndrome or a personality disorder (especially dependent, borderline and antisocial) and in many cases they are survivors of childhood abuse themselves. They often show unusually calm behavior in the face of crises related to the child’s medical status. There are very few reported cases regarding men perpetrators.

Who are the victims of MBP?

Boys and girls are equally victims, but there are more preverbal than verbal child-victims. The average age is approximately between 3 and 4 years old. The most common (feigned) symptoms are seizures, apnea, bleeding, unconsciousness, vomiting, diarrhea, lethargy and fever. There are some consistent traits in families where MBP is present. They often lost a sibling due to an unverified or unexplained illness. Also, family history of illness behavior or family interactions that respond to illness with attention are common. In some cases there is a distant or abusive marital relationship, and a father who is described as aloof, uninvolved in the medical aspects of their children’s lives and emotionally detached. Even so, fathers are often shocked when they are faced with the allegations of MBP abuse.

How can a case of MBP be handled?

When managing a MBP case, a multidisciplinary team is necessary. These are often led by child protection teams. The investigations of cases of MBP abuse usually occur in hospitals, so that when symptoms continue unabated in the absence of the mother, the child is still in a medical setting and provided with appropriate assistance. The diagnostic model used (as discussed earlier) first examines the available medical evidence and then investigates the psychological question regarding the family members involved.

Why are victims of MBP often placed out of the home?

When the (shocked) father of the child-victim isn’t able to be protective, out of home placement is necessary for the child’s safety. When family members offer to take care of the child, psychological evaluations are necessary. This is because in some cases there is a cycle of abuse, like with sexual abuse histories. Although most of the intentions by family members are genuine, neutral and non-relative placements are more safe. When victims enter foster care, thorough medical assessments are needed. All medications should be reviewed and, if necessary, replaced. The foster parents need to take pictures of the child when it enters their home, and keep a daily log of its behavior (including food intake, behavior and sleeping patterns). A physician should see the child on a regular basis, partly because a child can be a victim of MBP, but at the same time suffer from legitimate illness.

How can the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim be re-established?

Contact between mother and child is not recommended before the mother started treatment and, at least partially, acknowledges the abuse. Extended family contact should always be supervised, just like meetings with the mother later on. Supervisors should be trained to recognize harmful behavior. No food or drinks should be served during the visits. When the mother is making progress, the supervisors may be replaced by video-taped contact.

Which kind of mother perpetrators can be identified?

Libow and Schreier identified three kinds of mother perpetrators. The ‘help seekers’ often have the purpose of obtaining help for their feelings of inadequacy as parents. They often show willingness to give up their deceptive behavior once help has been offered. In contrast, the ‘doctor addicts’ and ‘active inducers’ are motivated by some sort of emotional gratification gained from their deceptive relationships with the physician.

How can mother perpetrators be treated?

Most mother perpetrators leave treatment before finishing it and a lot continue their deceptive behavior with their therapist. Also, they often suffer from personality disorders which are difficult to treat in itself. The most well-known treatment plan can be divided in three stages:

  1. The therapeutic process needs to be separated from any legal involvement, to be able to establish trust and gain insight into the patient's secret thought processes. The main goals of the first stage are establishing boundaries, strengthening coping skills, dealing with the many crises these women face, and maintaining trust between therapist and patient. Techniques used are videotaping, journaling, family photo reviews and teaching relaxation and mindfulness techniques. At the end of this stage, the patient should be able to acknowledge, at least to some extent, the abuse she has perpetrated.
  2. Developing empathy for the child-victim. The traumatic memories of the mother from her own childhood will surface, and the patient will become more psychologically available to engage in appropriate therapeutic work on these issues. At the end of this stage, the mother should have established her own identity, attained vocational goals to become self-supporting, and developed a social support system.
  3. Much is unknown about the final treatment stage, because most perpetrators don’t complete their treatment plan. In some known cases, the psychological evaluation was updated and completed, which confirmed no further need for treatment. Sometimes these mothers received up to 5 years of therapy.

How can the other family members be treated?

The treatment of other family members should occur simultaneously with the treatment of the mother. There should be coordination between the therapists of all of those involved. The father should engage in individual therapy to process the awareness of the wrongdoing to his child by its mother.

How can the child be treated?

Because of the age of the victim by which the MBP abuse usually appears and is discovered, the child generally internalizes the effects of victimization at a preverbal level of psychological development. The most well-known intervention to treat this is nondirective play therapy. This therapy allows children to work through the abusive parent-child dynamics they have experienced and to adjust to the dynamics of the new relationship being developed by the new caregivers.

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Articlesummary with A model to approaching and providing feedback to patients regarding invalid test performance in clinical neuropsychological evaluations by Carone a.o. - 2010
Article summary of Feigned medical presentations by Granacher & Berry - Chapter

Article summary of Feigned medical presentations by Granacher & Berry - Chapter


What is the difference between feigning and malingering?

In the medical context, the term feigning is used more broadly than malingering, and includes exaggeration, magnification, or faking of symptoms. Feigning can include unawareness of behavior for the production of simulated symptoms without clear evidence of external gain. Malingering is a conscious choice to intentionally exaggerate or fabricate a medical or psychological condition for external gain. Feigned presentations can be classified in three general domains, namely physical (somatic), cognitive, and psychological (emotional). 

What types of malingering are there?

Three categories of malingering have been identified: 

  • In pure malingering the person entirely fabricates a psychological or medical condition that does not exist and has never existed. 

  • In partial malingering the person is exaggerating symptoms of a condition that actually exists. 

  • False imputation refers to an individual ascribing symptoms to an unrelated cause. Here, the symptoms are genuine, only the source of the symptoms is in question.

Which differential diagnoses exist with regards to malingering?

When malingering is a clinical consideration, the following five conditions should be considered in the differential diagnosis:

  • Undetected physical pathology. Any person with unexplained physical complaints may actually have an illness that is not detected during an initial evaluation (or even with subsequent testing). 

  • Somatization disorder. This refers to a pattern of recurring polysymptomatic somatic complaints resulting in medical treatment or impaired daily functioning. 

  • Hypochondriasis. This refers to the preoccupation with the fear of having, or the idea that a person has, a serious disease based on the person’s misinterpretation of bodily symptoms. 

  • Pain disorder (pain disorder with related psychological factors or pain disorder exclusively related to psychological factors).

  • Factitious disorder with predominantly physical signs and symptoms. This refers to a category of physical or psychological symptoms that are intentionally produced in order to assume the sick role, which the patient finds very gratifying. 

How common are feigned medical presentations?

Almost any medical illness can be feigned or malingered. Some types of medical problems are more likely to be feigned or malingered than others, namely personal injury, disability, criminal injury, or medical matters. Within medical cases there are high percentages of probable malingering and symptom exaggeration. Malingering is often supported by evidence in severity or pattern of cognitive impairment inconsistent with the condition. There are also discrepancies among records, self-report, and observed behavior, and implausible self-reported symptoms in interviews. Finally there were implausible changes of test scores across repeated examinations and validity scales on objective personality tests. 

How prevalent is physical feigning and malingering?

The prevalence rates of physical feigning and malingering vary and studies often have very few participants. To determine the base rates for physical medical malingering multiple factors are involved, such as the clinical setting, the individual practitioner, the practitioner's specialty, whether psychological measures are added to physical examination, and clinical patients versus examinees seeking compensation. The two discrepancies in self-presentation most frequently mentioned as suggestive of malingering involved muscular weakness in the examinations not seen in other personal activities and claimed disablement disproportionate to the objective physical findings. 

How prevalent is cognitive feigning and malingering?

The most alleged neurocognitive impairment in a litigation setting is traumatic brain injury, with a combined rate of probable and definite malingered neurocognitive dysfunction of 54%. Examinations of traumatic brain injury in compensation-seeking circumstances should be looked at carefully, with attention paid to premorbid and postinjury psychological status, insufficient effort, and symptom exaggeration. 

How prevalent is psychological feigning and malingering?

Different feigning measures and detection strategies should be used for each different domain of psychological feigning (malingered psychosis, malingered PTSD, feigned psychological impairment). 

How can medical feigning and malingering be detected?

All cases of medical examination that include a significant incentive should include the services of a psychologist or a neuropsychologist to provide assessment of feigning/malingering. Motivation needs to be evaluated. Malingerers may complain of a mental, behavioral, or physical disorder (or all). The possibility of avoiding responsibility and/or getting a monetary award increases the likelihood of exaggeration and/or malingering. Nonspecific symptoms that are difficult to verify are often overrepresented (e.g. headache, lower back pain, vertigo). 

  • There are no direct measurements of physical malingering available. Physicians will have to use fairly simple tests while performing a physical examination to detect symptom exaggeration/malingering. 

  • Performance validity tests are very important when an examinee is claiming cognitive/neuropsychological deficits in a compensation-seeking context. Practitioners have multiple, well-validated procedures suitable for detection of such deficits, such as the Test of Memory Malingering, the Medical Symptom Validity Test, and the Word Memory Test. 

  • The two most important measures for feigned mental disorders are the Miller Forensic Assessment of Symptoms Test and the second edition of the Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms. 

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Article summary of Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse by McNally - Chapter

Article summary of Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse by McNally - Chapter


Which two perspectives exist with regards to recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse?

There is much controversy regarding repressed and recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and two interpretations can be identified, namely the repression perspective and the false memory perspective. 

What is the repression perspective?

According to the repression perspective, the mind protects itself by banishing memories of abuse from conscious awareness because they are so traumatic. Victims don’t become capable of recalling them until it becomes emotionally safe to do so, which is often after many years. These repressed memories can cause emotional consequences. Therapists should foster healing by helping patients recover their repressed CSA memories that are causing them emotional difficulties. They consider traumatic dissociative amnesia to be different from normal forgetting, as it involves strong affect and is resistant to retrieval through salient cues. They recommend guided imagery, hypnosis, and dream interpretation. 

What is the false memory perspective?

According to the false memory perspective, traumatic memories are not exempt from the principles that regulate the encoding and recall of other emotional memories. They believe that stress hormones released during the traumatic event should enhance its memorability. If a person remembers a traumatic experience which they say not to have remembered before, it is considered to be a false memory, an inadvertent confabulation that occurs when someone confuses an imagined event with a real one. 

What is meant with the term ‘Memory Wars’?

The term ‘Memory Wars’ refers to the dispute between these two perspectives. The central issue is whether people can become incapable of recalling encoded memories of trauma, and a second issue is whether people can recall these inaccessible memories if the circumstances are favorable. The problem for the false memory perspective is that scientifically it is not possible to prove that something does not exist, they can only say that there is no convincing evidence for it. 

What are the common confusions that occur in scientific literature with regards to trauma and memory?

  • Post-traumatic forgetfulness versus an inability to remember the trauma. One symptom of post-traumatic forgetfulness is having memory difficulties in everyday life, but not an inability to recall the trauma. It is the intrusive recall of the trauma that may interfere with one’s ability to remember things in daily life. 

  • Impaired encoding of trauma versus amnesia for trauma. The inability to remember an important component of a trauma is not necessarily caused by an inability to remember an encoded message, if not by the possibility that the information was never encoded in the first place. Emotional arousal causes attention to narrow to the central features of the experiences and not the peripheral ones. E.g. “weapon focus”: remembering details of the weapon that was aimed at you, but not the face of the gunman. This is an example of encoding failure, not retrieval failure. 

  • Psychogenic amnesia versus repression of trauma. Some theorists say that psychogenic amnesia is related to the recovery of presumably repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse. Psychogenic amnesia is a rare syndrome whereby a person reports a sudden, massive retrograde memory loss, including a loss of his/her identity, without any organic precipitant. However, there are three differences with regards to the repression of trauma: 1) the person’s memory loss is global and not specific to a stressful event, 2) autobiographical memory loss, and 3) antecedents to the memory loss are seldom traumatic. 

  • Organic amnesia versus repression of trauma. Some theorists have mistaken cases of memory loss resulting from a physical cause to the brain with psychic repression of trauma. 

  • Non disclosure versus repression of trauma. A reluctance to talk about a traumatic event should not be equated with an inability to remember it. 

  • Childhood amnesia versus repression of trauma. Neurocognitive capacities that support autobiographical memory develop slowly and people remember few experiences before the age of 4 or 5. A failure to recall childhood sexual abuse before that age is caused by normal childhood amnesia, not by repression. 

  • Not thinking about abuse versus repression of trauma. A traumatic experience can not come to mind for many years, but that does not indicate a lack of memory of it. Not thinking about the trauma is not the same as being unable to remember it - repression requires the inability to recall the trauma despite the presence of reminders. 

What are the results of psychometric and clinical studies with regards to recovered memories of CSA?

  • With regards to continuous memory participants and nonabused participants, research showed that continuous memory participants scored equally on stress, depression, dissociation, negative affectivity, and positive affectivity as nonabused comparison participants. However, the continuous memory participants were recruited from counseling groups and it is possible they have already relieved most of their symptoms. 

  • With regards to repressed memory participants and continuous memory participants, research showed that repressed memory participants scored higher than continuous memory participants on measures of stress, depression, dissociation, and negative affectivity (but not positive affectivity). There are two possible explanations for this outcome. The first being that repressed memory participants suffer the psychological toll of having buried their memories. A second explanation is that they infer that they have repressed memories to make sense of their feelings of distress. They find benefits from recalling their memories of abuse, by increased self-esteem and increased self-understanding. 

What are the results of laboratory studies of recovered memories?

What is Lenore Terr’s repressed memory theory?

Psychiatrist Lenore Terr suggested that sexually abused children cope by acquiring a dissociative, avoidant encoding style that enables them to disengage attention during episodes of abuse and direct their attention elsewhere. Dissociative encoding during these episodes may explain amnesia for the abuse later in life. Her theory is most relevant to people who say they have forgotten their abuse or that are incapable of remembering it (meaning results with regards to sufferers of PTSD are not relevant). 

What is the paradox in her theory? 

The theory may explain why a victim may be incapable of recalling the abuse, but it doesn’t explain why a victim would recall it later in life. If the sexually abused children dissociate their attention during the abuse and block their encoding of the abuse, they will be unable to recall the abuse later in life, because the memories were never encoded. This means that retrieval inhibition is most relevant to the forgetting of childhood sexual abuse, not dissociative encoding. Alleged amnesia presupposes that a victim has encoded the experience, but is unable to retrieve it because of defense mechanisms of the mind.

What can be concluded from McNally’s experiment with regards to memories of CSA?

The results from this research do not confirm above mentioned theories. The results showed that all groups more often recalled specific memories from adulthood than from childhood. The repressed memory group recalled fewer specific memories than the nonabused comparison group, and the recovered and continuous memory groups fell between them. The findings are consistent with two conflicting interpretations. Repression theorists would say that poor overall memory for one’s childhood may signify that a person has dissociated memories of trauma. On the other hand, psychologically troubled individuals may interpret fuzzy childhood memories as signifying the presence of repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse as a means of explaining both their psychological symptoms and their poor memory. 

What are the results of laboratory studies with regards to false memories?

One research showed that members of the comparison group were twice as likely as the recovered memory group to exhibit heightened confidence that events they had envisioned during guided imagery had occurred relative to events that they had not envisioned. However, some of the recovered memory participants seemed to know the purpose of the research, namely whether they would develop false memories about childhood in the laboratory. 

What is reality monitoring?

Reality monitoring is the ability to distinguish reality from fantasy, reality being memories that arose from perception and fantasy being memories that arose from imagination. Recovered memory participants reported deficits in that distinguishment. 

What clinical recommendations can be given?

No convincing evidence has been produced that people may become incapable of recalling terrifying, encoded memories of trauma that they are later able to recall during hypnosis or guided imagery. However, there is evidence that such procedures can foster imagery that patients can mistake for memories of genuine trauma. Psychotherapists should refrain from using methods to unlock presumably buried memories of abuse if the patient denies such a history, and the symptoms should be treated directly. 

What are the limitations of the research?

The participants in the research all volunteered, which makes it difficult to tell how they may differ from abuse victims who decline to participate in the research. Also, the participants knew that the research was about childhood sexual abuse, which may have affected their task performance. 

What third perspective should be considered with regards to memories of CSA? 

Research indicates support for the false memory perspective, but not for the repressed memory perspective. A third perspective may however account for many cases that are mistakenly construed as recovery or previously repressed. This perspective shows that people may forget and recall episodes of childhood sexual abuse, without memories of these experiences having been repressed or dissociated, as they were not encoded as being traumatic when they occured. 

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Article summary of A rationale for performance validity testing in child and adolescent assessment by Kirkwood - Chapter

Article summary of A rationale for performance validity testing in child and adolescent assessment by Kirkwood - Chapter


Performance validity tests (PVT) are objective measures that evaluate the validity of someone's execution of a performance-based test. These measures are not very sensitive to problems that occur because someone does not have the ability to perform, but instead are sensitive to noncredible effort.

Do noncredible presentations happen in children?

It appears that children are capable of deception under the right circumstances. They get increasingly deceptive as they develop the abilities that are necessary for it throughout childhood and adolescence. These noncredible presentations occur both consciously and unconsciously, and both with and without the influence of parents. Children and adolescents appear to be able to fake both psychiatric and physical difficulties, but also cognitive problems.

Noncredible responding occurs more in relation to a number of pediatric conditions and settings. The most noncredible effort can be seen in children with persistent problems after they have gotten a light head injury. We do not specifically know about other conditions and settings because they have not been studied in detail.

Why is subjective judgment inadequate for detecting noncredible data?

Noncredible effort can occur for many reasons. One of these reasons is deception, but others include separation anxiety, hunger or fatigue. In order for us to determine which steps to take we need to figure out the underlying motivation of children making the noncredible effort. However, to do this, invalid responses need to be recognized as invalid at first. Historically many clinicians rely on subjective judgment to do this when it comes to children. However, errors occur for many reasons and so an objective instrument is needed to improve clinical decision making. Adult practitioners have already adopted the use of PVTs, seeing them as a supplement to the subjective judgement. However, many child practitioners have not. This is mainly because they did not have access to any tools that objectively determine whether children are making a noncredible effort. Today, more PVTs for children have been developed.

Do validity test results matter?

Are there clinical implications of ability-based test interpretation?

PVT failure is associated with worse performance on different types of neuropsychological tests for both adults and children. This means that a noncredible effort can have a big effect on other test results as well. This means that if we do not suspect or recognize noncredible effort, we could interpret test results wrong, make inaccurate diagnoses or provide people with ineffective treatment. This could seriously harm both adults and children.

Are there clinical implications of the interpretation of self-reported data?

Many studies suggest that if children perform bad on PVTs, they are also more likely to misrepresent themselves when filling in self-report measures. Thus, the results of the PVT of a child can relate a lot to how they self-report their emotional, cognitive and health-related complains.

What are the broader implications of using or not using PVTs?

Using PVTs could give us a completely different understanding of individual cases, but there are also broader implications.

  • Firstly, when we do not use PVTs in studies about children, we need to remain skeptical about all the things they conclude.
  • Secondly, on a fundamental level we need to test the idea that all children put in adequate effort if they go through cognitive testing. This because the traditional belief that performance tests measure ability seems to not be true. Instead, performance tests also reflect different amounts of effort children put in.
  • Thirdly, there are public health implications. If children that show noncredible performance are not found through testing, they use up many healthcare and educational resources.
  • Finally, not finding noncredibly performing children creates unnecessary costs to society. Namely, the costs of malingered disability is extremely high. 
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Article summary with Clinical strategies to assess the credibility of presentations in children by Carone - 2015
Article summary of Motivations behind noncredible presentations: why children feign and how to make this determination by Baker & Kirkwood - Chapter

Article summary of Motivations behind noncredible presentations: why children feign and how to make this determination by Baker & Kirkwood - Chapter


What are secondary gains/external incentives and primary gains/internal incentives?

External incentives or secondary gains are advantages that someone could gain from behaving in a certain way. This means that when an external incentive or secondary gain is present, someone often actively and consciously chooses to act in a certain manner. There are two types of these gains. The first one is material-legal: substantial tangible rewards such as financial compensation, disability benefit or getting out of formal duties or criminal charges. Psychosocial gains are any interpersonal, social or emotional benefit for a person.

Primary gains or internal incentives are rewards that are less tangible and instead are more internal. These are often sought out less consciously, but instead are strived towards unconsciously. Examples of these gains are attention from others, or avoiding negative feelings such as stress.

Can school refusal influence noncredible presentation?

School refusal can influence noncredible presentation, especially in children. When they are struggling academically, are having a hard time adjusting or experience other struggles at school they may refuse to go to school. When a child is showing noncredible presentation a clinician must always evaluate whether it is because of school refusal behavior. This is especially the case when a child is under great academic stress due to adjusting to a new setting or the demands of a certain grade they are in.

Can social demands influence noncredible presentation?

Chidlren and adolescents have to meet a lot of social demands. These factors include wanting to gain attention from others, or wanting to avoid stressful situations. One of the biggest influences on youth is bullying. A child may start to show symptoms or noncredible presentations due to stressful social situations.

Can sports influence noncredible presentation?

Often, young people involved in high levels of sports do want to get back out there after an injury. However, a small number present noncredibly because they hope that a clinician tells them they can't get back to the sport. This often happens if a child or adolescent does not openly want to admit they do not want to practice the sport anymore. They are afraid they can't perform at their old level or are experiencing pressure to keep going from someone else, like a parent.

Can primary psychological disorders influence noncredible presentation?

If a child performs noncredibly then a clinician should always consider a pre-existing or comorbid psychological disorder. For example, a child could suffer from somatic symptom disorder, where somatic complaints begin to interfere with daily functioning and the child is completely preoccupied with them. Another thing that could be present is an internalizing affective disorder such as anxiety or depression. A last disorder that may cause noncredible presentation is a conversion disorder, where motor or sensory functions of a child are altered, but these alterations do not match with any medical or neurological conditions. Psychological distress is 'converted' into a physical symptom.

Are there other factors that can contribute to noncredible performance?

There are other motivators for children to show noncredible clinical presentations or put in noncredible effort. These are:

  • Family stressors. Examples are divorce, abuse, violence or financial strain.
  • Iatrogenic factors. Iatrogenesis is when an examination or treatment causes a patient to believe they are more ill than they actually are. This means that when a patient believes they are ill, they also believe they should perform bad on certain measures and as a result do so. Additionally a doctor may tell a patient their symptoms may be due to a certain disorder, and as a result, the patient may internalize this and behave consistently with the diagnosis.
  • A cry for help. When children are distressed they might not know how to ask for help or they may fear people may not help them if their symptoms are too 'minimal'.
  • Noncompliant behavior. A child may show noncredible performance because they do not want to do what they are told.

How can we separate children's motives to show noncredible presentations?

  • Establishing rapport. A clinician has to do this both with the family of the patient and the patient themselves. In doing so, the child may be less anxious and perform more credible or if the child does perform noncredibly, the clinician may make the space to openly discuss this. A clinician establishes rapport by being warm and nonjudgmental towards any concerns the patient and family may have. 
  • Taking a very detailed history. A clinician has to take this history both from the patient and the family. This history should be about the behavior of the child throughout their life, their personality and any other things that stand out. To get as much detail as possible, a clinician should ask open ended questions and only use specific closed questions to identify details or clarify things.
  • Conducting a detailed clinical interview. This interview must be done with open ended questions and can be unstructured to allow it to be a conversation. A patient's enjoyment of school and any problems they might have academically must be explored. Their social life must be mapped out as well.
  • Using objective rating forms. This can help the clinciian to map out a child's emotional functioning, as well as behavioral functioning and behavior patterns at school. Both the parents and the child are often asked to fill out these forms.
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Article summary of The residual effect of feigning: How intentional faking may evolve into a less conscious form of symptom reporting by Merckelbach et al. - Chapter

Article summary of The residual effect of feigning: How intentional faking may evolve into a less conscious form of symptom reporting by Merckelbach et al. - Chapter


How is noncredible presentation defined by the DSM-IV-TR?

The DSM-IV-TR uses two different labels for noncredible presentation. Malingering is used when the feigning of symptoms seems to be motivated by external gain, such as money, resources, medication, or others. The label factitious disorder is used when the feigning is motivated by an internal reason, such as wanting to act out the role of patient. This version of the DSM also states that feigning means that a patient has intentional control over their symptoms. However, it appears their is not such a clear difference between malingerers and those with factitious disorder. Secondly, some people are so involved with pretending to have a certain disorder that they practice it unconsciously. People may really come to believe they are ill and mistake their fake symptoms for 'real ones'.

The current study looks at whether fake symptoms can be mistaken for real ones when people are instructed to feign them. A second thing this research studies is whether self-deception may be the basis of this effect. Self-deception is a trait where people lack introspective ability.

How did the first experiment go?

The first experiment had two groups. Both groups read a story explaining a defendant entering a building illegally, stones falling down as a result, and a girl getting killed because of it. The groups were instructed to imagine that they were the defendant and had to undergo an evaluation. One of the groups was instructed to feign symptoms to make them less criminally responsible, whereas people from the other group were instructed to fill out the evaluation honestly. After some time had passed both groups filled in the same scale again, but were both instructed to respond honestly this time. The researchers examined whether those that were first instructed to feign and then to respond honestly reported more symptoms than those that were asked tor espond honestly both times. This would support the idea that people who feign symptoms can become less conscious of the way they report them.

Participants did what was asked of them and it was found that the group that first feigned and then had to respond honestly reported more symptoms in both cases. This may have been because people 'forget' that they fabricated their symptoms.

How did the second experiment go?

Participants were asked to fill in a certain psychiatric symptom scale, the SCL-90. Following this, they were asked to solve two sudoku puzzles. While the participants solved the puzzles, one of the experimenters manipulated two items of their psychiatric symptom scale and increased their score on it by two points. After solving the puzzles, the experimenter showed them the manipulated answers and some control ones and asked them to explain why they had filled out the scores as they did. This was to test whether participants could detect the mismatches between what they actually answered and what the experimenter turned their answer into. After this was done, the participants filled out another short version of the SCL-90. Through this it was tested whether participants that did not notice the score change by the experimenter would fill out their scoring in the direction of the manipulation while filling in the SCL-90 this second time.

Many participants were blind to the changes the experimenter made in their answer sheets and accepted tham as their own answers. As a result of this, they changed their answers in the direction of the manipulation when filling out the scale a second time. This means that participants do not monitor symptoms they report very well introspectively. However, people do differ on this character trait. Important for this is self-deceptive enhancement, a bias where you see yourself as a powerful agency, which goes together with a poor insight into symptoms and distortion of memory.

How did the third experiment go?

This experiment was set up to check whether self-deceptive enhancement (a poor insight into what causes your own behavior) could be related to feigning and seeing your own made up symptoms as real. Participants were asked to read a story about a worker who had practiced the same factory job for 25 years, but after a conflict tried to call in sick and complain of symptoms he did not have. The participants were asked to imagine they were the worker and feign the symptoms he was having on a test. After this test, the participants were given sudoku's to solve. After this, the participants got new tests and were now asked to forget the story about the worker and instead respond honestly.

It was found that individuals who scored high on self-deceptive enhancement showed greater residual effects of feigning. Thus, having poor introspective abilities could possibly be related to forgetting your symptoms are made up, and instead seeing them as real.

Are there limitations to the three experiments?

A few limitations to the research above can be stated:

  • The research was done with small, nonclinical samples made up of students.
  • The samples consisted mainly of females.
  • No interviews were done after the experiments to see whether participants had actually consciously feigned symptoms when given the second test or whether they had answered honestly.
  • It is unknown whether the effects found with this research are short- or long-term effects. This is because both tests were administered in one session.
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Article summary of Assessing deception: Polygraph techniques and integrity testing - Iaconi & Patrick - Chapter

Article summary of Assessing deception: Polygraph techniques and integrity testing - Iaconi & Patrick - Chapter


Which types of polygraph test are there?

In America, polygraph tests are primarily used by government agencies and the criminal justice system. They are also used for civil cases and to combat insurance fraud. A polygraph is a device that amplifies certain physiological signals, such as blood pressure, palm sweating and respiration. Polygraph techniques are not objective, not standardized and they do not have norms. What the examiners do is look for physiological responses that are associated with lying based on how people respond to different types of questions. Three types of tests can be done with the polygraph:

  • Employee screening tests. This test is usually a relevant-irrelevant test (RIT). Here, employees are asked relevant questions about their work behavior, mixed up with questions that are irrelevant for the job. When a relevant question about for example drug use elicits a more pronounced response, employers often confront the subject. The RIT assumes that truth tellers respond strongly to irrelevant questions and not so strongly to relevant questions, or at the same level to all relevant questions. It also assumes liars respond more strongly to the relevant questions.
  • Guilty knowledge test (GKT). This is also known as the concealed information test. During this polygraph test, people are asked factual questions about whether they are or are not involved in a crime. The questions are multiple choice and contain one guilty answer alternative that only the guilty person would know next to the examiner. It assumes that innocent people respond the same to all GKT answer alternatives, but a guilty person would respond more strongly to the guilty alternative. An alternative to the GKT is the event-related potential (ERP) variant. These methods ensure someone responds to all items so rapidly they do not have time to employ countermeasures.
  • Comparison question technique (CQT). This technique is most often used in real life and most likely to be made available to mental health clinicians. The clinician designs questions related to an incident that took place, that can only be answered with yes or know. Truth tellers will respond more strongly to control or comparison questions, whereas deceptive individuals will respond more strongly to the relevant questions. This is because truth tellers know they are telling the truth on the relevant questions about the crime, as they have not committed it. Thus, they fear lying on the control or comparison questions more. For deceptive individuals, the relevant questions pose more of a threat, as they are about a crime they have committed. This is why their responses will be bigger to the relevant questions, and less intense to the comparison questions. However, it is feared that that innocent individuals might also experience distress on the relevant questions when being falsely 'accused', thus the test is biased against the innocent. Another concern is that this test is very vulnerable to countermeasures, which are strategies that are deliberately adopted to change the outcome of the polygraph. These strategies can be found online by anyone.

What do people say about the accuracy of the CQT?

People within the polygraph profession insist that it is highly accurate. People a bit further from the profession however, believe that it is not standardized, objective or based upon a good theory. The accuracy levels of the CQT are often questioned by those outside the field.

Are there alternative methods to the polygraph?

There are alternative methods to the polygraph. However, these are not widely used. Examples are voice stress analysis or EEG. The reason they are not widely used is because they are not admissible in court as evidence.

What are the clinical applications of these tests?

Screening tests for employees are still widely used, as are control question tests. The latter one is often used in the case of sex crimes. Not only are they used for confessions, but they are also used to assess treatment success or check rule compliance. The control question tests are also used in possible child abuse cases. In the rapport, the examiner usually reports the allegations against a subject, what the questions asked were, and an explanation of what happened by the subject.

What are the different types of integrity testing?

Integrity testing is a type of testing where people fill out questionnaires that measures certain traits or behavioral tendencies that are associated with dishonesty or possible counterproductive behavior. These are often used for the screening of employees or personnel selection. There are two major categories of this preemployment screening, namely overt tests and personality oriented tests. Overt tests contain statements or questions that ask a person directly about how they feel about dishonesty or illegal activities. Personality oriented tests are tests that are 'veiled', they are used to predict counterproductivity rather than theft or dishonesty specifically and clearly.

Do integrity tests have good validity?

There are two types of validity that have to be good for integrity testing specifically. The first one is criterion-related validity. This type of validity is about whether integrity tests are doing what they are supposed to do; namely, identify those that are likely to engage in theft or counterproductive behaviors. This validity relates to whether a test is effective for the purpose that it was intended for. The second one is construct validity, which refers to whether the question actually measures the underlying psychological construct it wants to measure.

How do we measure criterion-related validity?

We measure criterion-related validity in two ways. The first one is self-report, for example when someone admits theft or counterproductive things like absenteeism. The second one is external criteria, for example documented days someone was late, broke something or terminations for wrongdoings like theft. This last measure has the problem that it is not sensitive; many counterproductive behaviors often go unnoticed or are not recorded.

How do integrity tests relate to basic personality traits?

Integrity tests relate to the Big Five: extraversion, neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience. Conscientiousness appears to be the best predictor for all job related criteria. Extraversion appears especially important for job performance with jobs that involve a lot of social interaction. Openness to experience appears to be very important to how much people respond to job training, but not to job performance itself. Any personality traits related to dependability and trustworthiness appear to be very predictive of how well people do at their jobs.

However, integrity tests appear to go further than the Big Five. They measure an honesty factor that is not reflected in the Big Five through looking at fairness and sincerity. They also assess important aspects of self-control that are not included in the Big Five.

How does integrity relate to externalizing proneness?

Any trait that has to do with self-control stands opposite of externalizing psychopathology: addictive behaviors and impulsive-antisocial beahvior. Thus, scores on integrity tests reflect the variation that people show in externalizing vulnerability, or the variation in impulse control problems.

Are there any controversial aspects to integrity testing?

There are a few controversial aspects to integrity testing:

  • Honest and dependable workers may be denied employment because they fail their integrity tests, or their scores fall below cut-off scores companies stick to for hiring. In other words, people that are not actually dishonest may be classified as such and thus be denied work. There is a problem with false positives.
  • Integrity tests may be very vulnerable to people trying to fake being trustworthy. Thus, next to a problem with false positives, the integrity tests may also be vulnerable to false negatives due to people consciously deceiving.
  • Integrity tests may also discriminate against protected groups. These protected groups, namely women, racial minorities or elderly people may possibly score higher on such tests by default, thus making it less likely they get hired.
  • The questions asked on integrity tests may be an invasion of privacy of the respondent, especially the overt integrity tests, where direct questions about wrongdoings are asked.
  • A related issue to the above one is that of informed consent. Often, when people apply for a job and they have to do an integrity test, informed consent is implied, but this must be balanced by the employers explaining why they have to.
  • Integrity testing cannot be the primary basis for hiring or firing someone.

Are there other types of assessment?

Types of assessment that could be considered are gaming or VR approaches. These could be alternatives to self-report methods. An example of a possible computer approach is the Implicit Association Test (IAT). Another approach is to do tests of cognitive ability. A third option would be to add brain response measures into measures of integrity. The best option would be a multimethod approach in which brain response measures, self-report measures and beavhioral response variables are combined into one test of integrity.

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Study guide with articlesummaries for Deception in clinical settings at the University of Groningen

Articlesummaries with Deception in clinical settings at the University of Groningen

Table of content

  • Summaries per article with Deception in Clinical Settings 21/22
    • Response styles in research
    • Syndromes associated with deception
    • Factitious disorders (deliberately falsifying symptoms) in medical and psychiatric practices
    • What is Munchausen by proxy syndrome?
    • Approaching and providing feedback to patients regarding invalid test performance in the clinical practice
    • Feigning vs malingering in the medical practice
    • Recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse
    • Testing performance validity in assessments of children and adolescents
    • Clinical strategies to assess the credibility of presentations in children
    • Why do children feign presentations?
    • The residual effect of feigning
    • Polygraph techniques and integrity testing
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