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This article discusses psychological acculturation, focusing on the internal processes of change experienced by immigrants when they come into contact with the host culture. The article aims to present a new model of acculturation that incorporates recent work in social and cognitive psychology. They provide a brief overview of the current state of acculturation research, highlighting its deficiencies. The new model of acculturation is based on four pillars: social cognition, cultural competence, social identity, and social stigma. The article emphasizes the significance of social stigma and explores how individuals cope with the challenges of being different due to factors like skin color, language, and ethnic background. The article concludes by proposing a fresh approach to stimulate further theoretical and empirical research in the field of acculturation.
What is the history of acculturation research?
Acculturation research focuses on the process by which newcomers to a culture incorporate themselves into the mainstream society.
Early theorists like Robert Park proposed a three-stage model of contact, accommodation, and assimilation. Anthropologists later expanded on this model, emphasizing the concept of acculturation and its effects on cultural patterns. Researchers added a psychological dimension, considering factors such as value systems, developmental sequences, and role determinants. Berry's model introduced the idea of different adaptation strategies, including assimilation, integration, rejection, and deculturation.
Further studies explored multidimensional and quantitative models, highlighting cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty as key factors. Discrimination and perceived power imbalances also influenced the acculturation process. Individual characteristics, personality traits, and personal preferences play a role in acculturation, which can involve active involvement in either culture or a balance between both.
Current social psychological research offers new insights into understanding the complexity of individual and group processes involved in acculturation.
What is the terminology of the new vision of acculturation research?
To understand the new perspective on cultural adaption that is presented in this article, it is important to understand what the following terms mean:
- Social Cognition Social cognition refers to the study of mental processes involved in social interactions. It focuses on how ordinary people think about others and how they perceive their own thoughts about people. Social cognition research emphasizes the role of motivation and intention in shaping perception and cognition.
- Cultural Competence. Cultural competence refers to the ability to function effectively in a culture by understanding and adopting its values, beliefs, customs, and language. It involves adapting to the majority culture while maintaining one's own cultural identity. Cultural competence plays a crucial role in acculturation, particularly for immigrants experiencing cultural transitions.
- Social Identity. Social identity theory states that individuals' behavior is influenced by their identification with larger societal groups, such as cultures, organizations, or social categories. People's thoughts and behaviors are guided by their group membership, and social identities are socially constructed based on individuals' group references. Social identity influences acculturation, as individuals' identification with a particular group can impact their willingness to acculturate.
- Social Dominance. Social dominance theory suggests that social hierarchies exist in all societies and cultures. Individual orientations toward social dominance vary, and hierarchies are sustained through cultural ideologies that legitimize and centralize social class distinctions, gender roles, and other forms of dominance. Social dominance theory explains intergroup relations and the role of power and hierarchy in maintaining group differences.
- Social Stigma. Social stigma refers to the devaluation or disapproval of individuals who possess attributes that are negatively perceived by society. Stigmatization occurs when individuals are associated with attributes that lead to devaluation in a particular social context. Stigmatized individuals may face prejudice, discrimination, and negative perceptions. Stigma can be visible (e.g., race) or concealable (e.g., certain ethnicities) and affects individuals' thoughts, feelings, and behavior.
These constructs are interconnected and play significant roles in understanding cultural adaptation and acculturation processes. Cultural competence, social identity, social dominance, and social stigma influence individuals' experiences, motivations, and behaviors as they navigate cultural transitions and interact with the dominant culture.
How do people cope with social stigma?
People who belong to stigmatized groups are sensitive to information in their environment that can influence how they interpret negative reactions or evaluations from others. They may be more inclined to attribute these negative outcomes to prejudice and discrimination. However, some research suggests that stigmatized individuals are hesitant to blame discrimination even when there is evidence to support it. This reluctance can be attributed to the psychological costs associated with making such attributions. It can lower their social self-esteem, decrease their perceived control over outcomes, and strain interpersonal relationships.
The willingness of stigmatized individuals to attribute negative outcomes to discrimination may be influenced by their perception of control over their stigmatized condition. If they believe their stigmatization is their own fault or under their control, they are less likely to blame prejudice and discrimination for negative outcomes. Additionally, ideologies related to personal responsibility can predict which stigmatized individuals and groups are unwilling to attribute negative outcomes to discrimination. For example, if individuals believe in a just system that rewards hard work and considers group differences in social status fair, they are less likely to perceive discrimination based on their ethnicity.
The salience of stigmatized group identity and the degree of identification with the group also impact how stigmatized individuals perceive themselves as targets of discrimination. Highly identified individuals are more likely to notice intergroup inequalities, label them as unjust, and attribute discrimination to their group membership. However, it's important to note that their consciousness of discrimination may contribute to their stronger social identity as a member of a stigmatized group. This perception of discrimination can fuel the search for greater affinity to their heritage culture among later generations of ethnics.
Stigmatized individuals may protect their personal self-esteem by making social comparisons with others who share their stigmatized status. By comparing themselves to others who are likely to have similar poor outcomes, they can reduce perceptions of discrimination. People tend to make interpersonal comparisons with in-group members because they are more readily available and salient in their environments. The prevalence of ethnic enclaves, support groups, and affiliations with similar others is influenced by the benefits of connecting with those who share a stigmatizing attribute.
The effects of stigma on self-concept depend on the specific features of the social context. Temporary changes in self-concept can occur, especially when encountering role models or mentors from the mainstream social group. Stigmatized individuals may make greater efforts to identify with the mainstream group in such situations. The social context plays a significant role in determining the activation of specific aspects of self-concept.
Stigmatized individuals may also experience attribution ambiguity, where they are uncertain whether the behavior directed at them by majority group members is a response to their social identity or their individual qualities. This ambiguity can have negative effects, leading to cautious behavior and reservation in interpersonal interactions. Some individuals may choose to hide their social identity, resulting in perceptions of shyness or poor self-concept.
Stigma poses a threat to individuals' sense of safety, and coping strategies such as in-group social comparisons, attributions to prejudice, and disengagement from the source of discrimination help stigmatized individuals maintain a sense of worth despite devaluation. Stigma also influences how individuals perceive and interpret their social world. The construction of social identities and the meanings associated with them involve cognitive processes and sense-making. Stereotypes play a role in shaping impressions, judgments, and behaviors towards stigmatized individuals, and coping strategies emerge from interpretations of social contexts and events.
What stance do the authors of this article take?
The authors believe that the current psychological models of acculturation, developed over three decades of research, have limited value. These models have several shortcomings:
- They have a static view of intergroup relations and fail to address the important motivations behind acculturation.
- They assume that acculturation is a uniform process for all newcomer groups, regardless of race, culture, or social status.
- The methodology used in these models relies heavily on self-reported preferences for language use, entertainment practices, and friendship patterns, which may not provide a comprehensive understanding of acculturation.
Instead, the authors propose that a conceptual framework based on social cognitions, social identity, and social stigma offers a better understanding of the acculturation process. International migration has a profound impact on individuals' self-identity, requiring them to redefine and reconstruct their personal and social identities in new cultural contexts. Immigrants develop various social identities related to both the host culture and their heritage culture.
Within the new social context, newcomers form perceptions of the expectations that the dominant group has of them. These perceptions influence the process of redefining their identity and the extent to which they choose to acculturate and become members of the host culture.
Acculturation research so far has been limited to correlational studies due to how acculturation has been defined and measured. The authors view acculturation as a dynamic social process that occurs through interactions between newcomers and members of the host culture. The social identities brought by immigrants and the identities they develop in the new environment shape their social cognitions, which, in turn, guide their behaviors, preferences, and strategies for adapting to the new culture.
As outsiders, immigrants often have less political power and influence and may face negative stigmatization from the dominant group. The dominant group's attitudes and perceptions toward different newcomer groups can vary, leading to different stereotypes and stigmas. The physical similarity of immigrants to the majority group can also affect the stigmas they experience.
It's important to note that newcomers may not always have the freedom to pursue their preferred acculturation strategy, as the expectations of the host culture can influence their acculturation and adaptation. Social stigmas play a significant role in shaping immigrants' strategies and cultural competencies during the acculturation process. Immigrants' cognitions of in-group and out-group relations, including stigmas, impact their acculturation and adaptation strategies.
Further research is needed to understand how immigrants' social cognitions and stigmas affect their acculturation and adaptation strategies, as well as their motivation to engage in the new culture. Exploring how immigrants cope with social stigmas and why individuals respond differently to the same stigma are important areas of study. Additionally, the influence of physical and cultural similarity to the host culture on the types of social stigmas endured by different immigrant groups should be examined.
Article Summaries with the course The Multicultural Society 22/23 - UU
Article Summary of The rise and fall of multiculturalism? New debates on inclusion and accomodation in diverse societies - Kymlicka - 2010
Ideas about the legal and political accommodation of ethnic diversity have been changing worldwide over the past 40 years. The common way to describe these changes is through the concept of "multiculturalism." It has become a widely invoked narrative to explain the evolution of debates about diversity. However, there is a consensus that we are now in a post-multicultural era, although there is disagreement about what comes after multiculturalism.
The goal of the article is to explore and critique this main narrative of the rise and fall of multiculturalism and propose an alternative framework for thinking about the choices we face. They argue that the rise and fall of multiculturalism have been uneven processes, varying depending on the issue and the country involved. To identify a more sustainable model for accommodating diversity, it is crucial to understand these variations.
The main narrative generally states the following points:
- From the 1970s to the mid-1990s, there was a trend across western democracies towards increased recognition and accommodation of diversity through multiculturalism policies and minority rights.
- Since the mid-1990s, there has been a retreat from multiculturalism and a reassertion of ideas of nation-building, common values, and unity.
- This retreat is driven by fears among the majority group that diversity accommodation threatens their way of life. It is also influenced by the belief among the center-left that multiculturalism has failed to address the underlying sources of social, economic, and political exclusion faced by minorities.
- The center-left has shifted to a discourse emphasizing integration, social cohesion, common values, and shared citizenship.
- This new approach, often referred to as "post-multiculturalism," seeks to develop a more inclusive national identity while avoiding the oppressive reassertion of nationalist ideologies.
This main narrative is misleading in some respects. It mischaracterizes the nature of multiculturalism experiments, exaggerates the extent of their abandonment, and misidentifies their genuine difficulties and limitations. The article aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities related to accommodating diversity.
Furthermore, the implications of this debate for international organizations like UNESCO will be discussed, highlighting the need to reassess and adjust their actions based on a more accurate understanding of multiculturalism and its evolution.
What is multiculturalism?
In much of the post-multiculturalism literature, multiculturalism is portrayed as a celebration of ethno-cultural diversity, focusing on customs, traditions, music, and cuisine of different groups.
This view, known as the 3S model (the 3 s's of samosas, steel drums, and saris), is criticized for neglecting issues of economic and political inequality, trivializing cultural differences, and reinforcing power inequalities within minority groups. Post-multiculturalists argue for a shift towards models of citizenship that prioritize political participation, economic opportunities, human rights, individual freedom, inclusive national identities, and cultural change.
However, this critique may not accurately represent the reality of multiculturalism as a set of public policies aimed at redefining the relationship between minorities and the state through anti-discrimination measures, recognition of rights, and empowerment of marginalized groups. Multiculturalism emerged in the late 1960s as part of
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Article Summary of Acculturation, Social Identity, and Social Cognition: A New Perspective - Padilla & Perez - 2003
This article discusses psychological acculturation, focusing on the internal processes of change experienced by immigrants when they come into contact with the host culture. The article aims to present a new model of acculturation that incorporates recent work in social and cognitive psychology. They provide a brief overview of the current state of acculturation research, highlighting its deficiencies. The new model of acculturation is based on four pillars: social cognition, cultural competence, social identity, and social stigma. The article emphasizes the significance of social stigma and explores how individuals cope with the challenges of being different due to factors like skin color, language, and ethnic background. The article concludes by proposing a fresh approach to stimulate further theoretical and empirical research in the field of acculturation.
What is the history of acculturation research?
Acculturation research focuses on the process by which newcomers to a culture incorporate themselves into the mainstream society.
Early theorists like Robert Park proposed a three-stage model of contact, accommodation, and assimilation. Anthropologists later expanded on this model, emphasizing the concept of acculturation and its effects on cultural patterns. Researchers added a psychological dimension, considering factors such as value systems, developmental sequences, and role determinants. Berry's model introduced the idea of different adaptation strategies, including assimilation, integration, rejection, and deculturation.
Further studies explored multidimensional and quantitative models, highlighting cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty as key factors. Discrimination and perceived power imbalances also influenced the acculturation process. Individual characteristics, personality traits, and personal preferences play a role in acculturation, which can involve active involvement in either culture or a balance between both.
Current social psychological research offers new insights into understanding the complexity of individual and group processes involved in acculturation.
What is the terminology of the new vision of acculturation research?
To understand the new perspective on cultural adaption that is presented in this article, it is important to understand what the following terms mean:
- Social Cognition Social cognition refers to the study of mental processes involved in social interactions. It focuses on how ordinary people think about others and how they perceive their own thoughts about people. Social cognition research emphasizes the role of motivation and intention in shaping perception and cognition.
- Cultural Competence. Cultural competence refers to the ability to function effectively in a culture by understanding and adopting its values, beliefs, customs, and language. It involves adapting to the majority culture while maintaining one's own cultural identity. Cultural competence plays a crucial role in
Article Summary of White Privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack - McIntosh - 1989
This text is about privilege and the unwillingness to acknowledge it. Men are often unwilling to acknowledge their overprivileged position, even though they may recognize that women are disadvantaged. Men may express support for improving the status of women, but they often resist the idea of reducing their own privileges. Denials and taboos surround the discussion of advantages that men gain from women's disadvantages, protecting male privilege from being fully acknowledged, addressed, or eliminated.
McIntosh, the author of this article, is a white woman. She reflects on her own experience as a white person and how she was taught to see racism as a disadvantage for others but was not taught to recognize white privilege, which confers advantages upon her. She describes white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that she can rely on every day but was taught to remain oblivious to. This privilege includes various aspects such as representation in media, access to housing and education, protection from discrimination, and being seen as the norm in society.
She acknowledges that recognizing and describing white privilege brings about a sense of accountability. Similar to efforts in women's studies to unveil male privilege and encourage men to relinquish some of their power, acknowledging and addressing white privilege requires action. In this article, the need to reflect on one's own privilege and consider how to reduce or eliminate it is emphasized.
Many privileged individuals are unconscious regarding their oppressiveness. McIntosh herself has explored the ways in which she herself enjoys unearned privileges based on her skin color and how she has been conditioned to be oblivious to their existence. She points out the lack of education on recognizing oneself as an oppressor or as part of an unfair advantage in society.
There are lots of situations in which a white woman benefits from her race. These include being in racially homogeneous company, avoiding mistrust and discrimination, finding housing in desirable areas, being represented in media, having access to education and resources, and numerous other advantages that she can count on due to her skin color.
McIntosh notes that she had initially taken these conditions for granted and did not see them as negative for herself. However, some forms of privilege contribute to dominance and reinforce existing hierarchies. She suggests distinguishing between positive advantages that can be spread and negative advantages that perpetuate inequality. For instance, the feeling of belonging within the human circle should be a shared entitlement rather than a privilege for a few.
It is important to recognize and address unearned advantages and conferred dominance associated with race, sex, and other identity markers. Individuals should examine how these privileges affect daily life and should confront their own privileges, be it related to race, age, class, religion, or other factors. Dominant groups are often taught not to see their privilege, but it is important to unravel embedded forms of advantage.
Article Summary of Foreign, different, deviant, seclusive, and working class: anchors to an ethnic hierarchy in the Netherlands - Hagendoorn & Hraba - 1989
What are the key concepts of this article?
What are stereotypes?
Stereotypes are simplified mental images or generalizations about ethnic groups that have been studied in the social sciences for many years. Early research emphasized that stereotypes are limited and biased representations of these groups. However, more recent research in the cognitive tradition suggests that stereotyping is a normal cognitive process rather than a failure of rationality.
According to this view, stereotypes are essentially cognitive frameworks or schemas that categorize people into distinct types or categories. Once categorized, individuals tend to focus on the differences between members of different categories while emphasizing the similarities among members of the same category. This cognitive process is influenced by perceptual grouping and the assimilation/contrast effect.
Researchers have also explored other aspects of stereotypes, such as implicit personality theories and the decomposition of stereotypes into distinct components. Implicit personality theories refer to attributions and feelings associated with an ethnic group based on implicit beliefs about its members. Stereotypes can also be decomposed into subcategories or subtypes that vary across different individuals or groups.
Additionally, studies have examined the relative importance of case information and category stereotypes in judgments about individuals. Case information that contradicts an individual's ethnic stereotype is found to have more influence on judgments, whereas consistent information reinforces the stereotype. However, people tend to be cautious in revising stereotypes when faced with inconsistent information.
Overall, research on stereotypes in the cognitive tradition focuses on understanding the psychological processes involved. Stereotyping is seen as a rational cognitive process rather than a corruption of rationality. The content of stereotypes is believed to stem from various factors such as perceived correlations between outgroup saliency and deviant behavior, social comparison for positive social identity, and social attribution processes. Cultural transmission and biased assimilation of new evidence contribute to the persistence of stereotypes.
The impact of stereotypes on behavior is complex and influenced by interpersonal, situational, and societal factors. Behavioral intentions and actions toward outgroups are not solely determined by stereotypes, but rather mediated by various contextual factors. Researchers are interested in examining how ethnic stereotypes affect behavioral intentions, particularly regarding social distance and discrimination, based on different types of contact with outgroup members.
What is social distance?
The concept of social distance has been important in studying ethnic relations. It refers to the attitudes and behaviors that reflect the level of acceptance or rejection between different ethnic groups. Initially, social distance was seen as a measure of physical or ecological separation between groups. However, it has been conceptualized as an attitude by Park and Bogardus, who developed a
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Summary with Chapter 6: The three freedoms of the Dutch: The culturalization of citizenship in the Netherlands put into an international perspective - Hurrenkamp et al. -2012
The Netherlands has been recognized as one of the most progressive countries globally, a point of pride for both politicians and citizens. Initially, Dutch "progressive monoculturalism" was relatively tolerant, but this began to change during the 1990s. This chapter examines the defining aspects of this culturalist perspective on Dutch citizenship, comparing it with the definitions of citizenship in France and the UK. This analysis focuses on opinion articles addressing three themes from the years 2000 to 2009. For each country, the authors selected three national newspapers characterized as follows: (a) conservative with a tendency toward populism, (b) center-oriented and more intellectual, and (c) left-wing, neither intellectual nor populist. The focus is on three themes that have received significant attention in the Netherlands: ex-Muslims/apostasy, homosexuality, and domestic violence. The aim is to examine how debates on these topics have been framed in the countries, drawing comparisons and identifying similarities and differences between the three countries.
How did newspapers frame ex-Muslims?
In the Netherlands, the focus was on the right to "exit Islam" and gained significant momentum after public figures like Ayaan Hirsi Ali reported threats and the formation of a committee for ex-Muslims. The debate revolved around apostasy within Islam and the role of political parties in supporting or criticizing ex-Muslims.
In France, the attention on ex-Muslims stemmed from philosopher Robert Redeker's criticism of Islam's closed nature and lack of humanism, which sparked a broader debate on apostasy. Additionally, the public discourse involved Magdi Allam, an Egyptian-born Italian journalist who criticized Islamic extremism and defended Europe's Judeo-Christian roots after converting to Roman Catholicism.
In the UK, the focus on ex-Muslims emerged from three events: the knighthood bestowed on Salman Rushdie, the founding of the Council for Ex-Muslims, and the Archbishop of Canterbury's statement about the adoption of Sharia law in the country. These events prompted discussions on freedom of religion and speech, albeit in different directions compared to the other two countries.
However, despite the attention given to ex-Muslims, the issue did not generate significant public debate in France and the UK. In France, the media paid more attention to stories of Christians converting to Islam rather than Muslims converting to Christianity. The UK press covered events related to ex-Muslims in the Netherlands but did not extensively discuss the topic within the country itself.
In the Netherlands, the debate on ex-Muslims was characterized by its intensity. The focus was not on Islam versus Christianity or conversion, but on the clash between religion and secularism. It was commonly accepted that individuals should be free to abandon their religion, and ex-Muslims were portrayed as brave heroes rather than tragic figures. The Dutch debate centered on the tone
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Summary with Chapter: The virtualization of citizenship - Schinkel - 2010
This article discusses the connection between globalization and the concept of citizenship, particularly in the Dutch context. It highlights how citizenship has become a key policy concept in recent years, linked to issues of integration. The focus has shifted from formal citizenship to moral citizenship, leading to a virtualization of citizenship. This means that citizenship is seen as a possibility rather than an actuality, emphasizing the virtue of being a citizen. The state controls the mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion based on notions of active citizenship and cultural adjustment. This article also explores the tension between the modern state/society differentiation and the pressure on traditional forms of citizenship.
How has the role of citizenship developed?
Citizenship traditionally served as a mechanism for inclusion and exclusion within nation-states. It represented the modern form of political membership, encompassing a set of rights and duties. By regulating entrance to the state, citizenship also secured national borders. During a period of relative overlap between society and the nation-state, citizenship ensured inclusion in society, which was ethnically homogeneous.
However, this regionalized notion of society loses credibility in the era of globalization, where society becomes a discursive construct strategically defining the social collectivity. Society is now a non-codified and discursive entity, distinct from membership in the nation-state. In the 20th century, citizenship guaranteed membership in both the nation-state and society. But with permanent migration flows, this becomes implausible. Previously, membership in society was primarily based on birth, but because of ethnic heterogeneity, the citizenship of immigrants and their children is problematized.
As people with different socialization gain political membership, the seamless overlap between state, nation, and society weakens. This calls for analyses of citizenship and the nation-state to move beyond methodological nationalism. Despite this, the concept of citizenship remains popular within the state, indicating a relative shift from formal to moral citizenship. This reorientation of the state towards society has implications for its contemporary role.
What is the difference between formal and moral citizenship?
Throughout history, citizenship has been associated with inclusion in a state. Ancient Greek and Roman philosophers emphasized the active participation of citizens in political affairs. This moral aspect of citizenship, alongside its formal juridical aspects, continues to shape our understanding of citizenship. Formal citizenship refers to the legal rights and duties of citizens, including social rights. On the other hand, moral citizenship encompasses the idealized notion of the good citizen, involving counterfactual and normative concepts.
While all conceptions of citizenship contain both formal and moral elements, the relative emphasis on these aspects varies. Liberal, communitarian, and republican theories of citizenship all incorporate formal and moral dimensions to different degrees. In recent
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Article Summary of Does wokeness threaten academic freedom? - Mintz - 2021
Does wokeness threaten academic freedom?
The controversy surrounding University of Michigan professor Bright Sheng and his screening of the 1965 film version of Othello featuring Laurence Olivier in blackface raises important issues for instructors. The focus of the debate has been on whether Sheng's decision to show the film was justified. However, broader issues such as academic freedom, creating inclusive learning environments, and the potential interference faced by faculty members are at stake.
Teaching in today's classrooms has become increasingly challenging and volatile. Instructors are now judged not only on their teaching abilities but also on their perceived political or ideological perspectives. The use of potentially offensive content or language in the classroom can easily lead to controversy. Apologies may not be sufficient to resolve such issues, and faculty members should not assume unquestioned support from administrators or colleagues.
Despite these challenges, it is crucial not to self-censor and inhibit meaningful discussions. Instructors should be sensitive to students' sensibilities while addressing hot topics thoughtfully and transparently. Building rapport with students and engaging in open dialogue can help prevent conflicts. It is important to explain educational philosophies, terminology, and pedagogical approaches, encouraging students to question and criticize.
Difficult conversations and controversial issues should not be avoided, but rather confronted and addressed as intellectual battlegrounds for ideas. Providing proper warnings and contextualizing potentially controversial content is necessary. Discussions about the politics of knowledge and presenting multiple perspectives on past events can help students develop sophisticated judgments.
Teaching in today's classrooms requires an authoritative approach that combines high expectations with flexibility and responsiveness. It involves listening, engaging, explaining, discussing, and recognizing students' independence, while nurturing and supporting their growth as independent learners.
Overall, navigating the complexities of teaching in sensitive and politically charged environments requires thoughtfulness, transparency, and a commitment to fostering independent thinking and learning.
Article Summary of Immigrant Religion in the US and Western Europe: Bridge of Barrier to Inclusion? - Foner & Alba - 2008
There are contrasting views on immigrant religion in Western Europe and the United States. In Western Europe, immigrant religion is often seen as problematic, while in the United States, it is viewed as a facilitator of the adaptation process. The main difference lies in the extent to which religion can serve as a bridge for immigrants and their descendants to be included in the new society. Three key factors are identified as critical in understanding this contrast: the religious backgrounds of immigrants in Western Europe and the United States, the level of religiosity among the native population, and the historical relationships and arrangements between the state and religious groups.
In recent years, there has been a growing body of social science literature examining the experiences and impact of immigrants in both the United States and Western Europe. However, the study of religion among immigrants has received less attention in the United States compared to other topics in the field of immigration. This is partly due to limitations in government surveys, which do not include questions about religion. Additionally, religion is not considered a problematic area for immigrants in the United States, and studies that do focus on religion highlight its positive role in facilitating the adaptation process.
In contrast, the study of immigrant religion is a prominent topic in Western Europe, particularly concerning the Islamic presence. There is a significant amount of literature on Islam and Muslims in Western Europe, often emphasizing the challenges and conflicts associated with immigrant religions and the difficulties of integrating Islam. Unlike in the United States, religion in Europe is seen as a marker of a fundamental social divide.
This article explores the reasons behind these divergent views on immigrant religion in the two regions and how they correspond to social realities. The authors argue that the difference is rooted in whether religion, as a belief system, institution, and community, can serve as a bridge for immigrants and the second generation to be included in the new society. There are three critical factors that contribute to this distinction: the religious backgrounds of immigrants (Christian in the United States and predominantly Muslim in Western Europe), the higher level of secularism in Western European populations compared to the religious involvement in the United States, and the historical relations and arrangements between the state and religious groups, which have led to greater challenges in accepting and incorporating new religions in Europe.
The article examines the contrasting perspectives on immigrant religion in social science studies and discusses the underlying reasons for these differences. While the United States generally presents a more favorable environment for immigrant religion, the conclusion acknowledges potential threats to this positive outlook in the United States and government efforts to accommodate Islam in Western Europe. The focus of the article is primarily on four major Western European countries with distinct approaches to religion: France, Germany, Britain, and the Netherlands.
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Article Summary of Justifying discrimination against Muslim immigrants: out-group ideology and the five-step social identity model - Verkuyten - 2013
The far-right Party for Freedom (PVV) was established in the Netherlands in 2006 and has gained significant parliamentary seats in subsequent elections. Led by Geert Wilders, the PVV promotes discriminatory policies against Islam, including a complete stop to immigration from Islamic countries, a ban on new mosques, and the deportation of criminal Muslims. Despite legal controversies, Wilders has garnered public support and has become a prominent figure in Dutch politics. This article examines how Wilders justifies out-group discrimination, focusing on his portrayal of "us" versus "them" and the distinction between Islam as a belief system and Muslims as a group. The analysis draws from Wilders' contributions to parliamentary debates and national newspapers.
How is discrimination justified?
The research on prejudice and discrimination often focuses on individual differences and group-level perceptions, but it tends to overlook the justification of discrimination. While there is some research on legitimizing inter-group ideologies and threat perceptions, it does not explore the intricate process of justifying discrimination. Political leaders play a critical role in defining group distinctions and justifying discriminatory measures. Reicher, Haslam, and Rath proposed a model that outlines the steps leading to collective hate, which I will use to analyze how Geert Wilders justifies discrimination. These steps include defining the in-group, making category distinctions, perceiving a threat, emphasizing in-group virtue, and portraying discrimination as a necessary defense. The analysis considers how Wilders constructs "us" and "them" to support his discriminatory proposals. It's important to note that societal entities can be defined in various ways, beyond personal characteristics or group psychology, and these definitions can help justify discrimination without relying on stereotypes. By examining Wilders' use of Islam as a belief system to argue for discrimination against Muslims as a group, we can understand how he attempts to evade accusations of prejudice.
The analysis examines official parliamentary debates and newspaper articles by Wilders to understand the strategies he uses to defend his proposals and justify discrimination. The material includes verbatim transcripts of four parliamentary debates and Wilders' contributions to national newspapers. The debates cover various topics such as developments within Islamic communities, the movie "Fitna" produced by Wilders, the resignation of a minister, and the government's approach to immigration and the economic crisis. The parliamentary debates provide insight into how politicians defend their viewpoints and the strategies they employ. The analysis draws on rhetorical and critical discursive psychology to explore the social and political consequences of Wilders' discourse. It focuses on the deployment and use of categories in his speech and examines the broad patterns and themes within his talk about social categories. The analysis follows three stages: marking Wilders' contributions, organizing extracts based on category distinctions, and examining how Islam is positioned outside the moral order to justify discrimination.
What are the steps of justification of discrimination?
The analysis highlights five steps in
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Article Summary of Crafting citizenship. Negotiating tensions in modern society: globalization and the culturalization of citizenship - Hurenkamp et al. - 2012
What has happened to the tolerance of the Netherlands?
Some researchers argue that the country's policies on minorities have led to a segregated society. However, Dutch policies on immigrant integration were more diverse than critics suggest. Initially, the focus was on facilitating the return of guest workers to their home countries, and later shifted towards individual socio-economic integration. The recognition of the right to self-organization among minorities is different from the recognition of cultural rights seen in other countries like Canada. It would be clearer to call the prevailing policies in the Netherlands during the 1970s and 1980s "tolerant monoculturalism." The transition from tolerant to intolerant monoculturalism since the 1990s has been influenced by the culturalization of citizenship. Citizenship came to be associated more with customs and tastes of a cultural community rather than the rights and duties of a political community. The Dutch majority increasingly sees cultural differences as problematic, leading to polarization and debates on social cohesion. Culture plays a significant role in determining an individual's opportunities in life, including finding employment. In a society where citizenship is defined in cultural terms, knowledge of the culture becomes essential. In this article, the culture and the role of culture on how immigrants are seen is explored with three experiments on the views on after-work-drinks, holidays and loyalty.
What variants of culturalization of citizenship are there?
There are four variations of the culturalization of citizenship, which can be categorized based on two dimensions: practical versus emotional and restorative versus constructive.
- Restorative cultural citizenship: This perspective sees culture as a fixed and static phenomenon, consisting of established traditions, customs, and values that need to be preserved or rediscovered. It emphasizes the restoration of historical knowledge and canons to maintain shared affinities and social cohesion.
- Constructive cultural citizenship: This viewpoint considers culture as a dynamic process that evolves through social interactions. It recognizes the influence of external factors on culture and emphasizes the creation of new meanings and practices. It focuses on examining existing practices for their inclusivity and exclusivity.
Both restorative and constructive cultural citizenship can emphasize practical or emotional aspects:
- Practical cultural citizenship: This pertains to concrete practices, such as language proficiency, knowledge of history and traditions, and the ability to function within public institutions.
- Emotional cultural citizenship: This involves adhering to societal "feeling rules," which are implicit expectations about how individuals should express emotions in specific situations. It encompasses
Ibram X. Kendi defines what it means to be an antiracist - 2020 - P. Macmillan
How to be an antiracist?
In his book "How to Be an Antiracist," Ibram X. Kendi provides his own definitions of racism and antiracism. He argues that a racist is someone who supports racist policies or expresses racist ideas through their actions or inaction. On the other hand, an antiracist is someone who supports antiracist policies or expresses antiracist ideas through their actions or words.
Kendi emphasizes the importance of defining these terms to establish a clear understanding of the principles and goals we strive for. He defines racism as the combination of racist policies and racist ideas that perpetuate and normalize racial inequities. Racist policies refer to measures that create or sustain racial disparities, while antiracist policies are those that promote racial equity among different racial groups.
Kendi also highlights the concept of racial inequity, which occurs when racial groups are not on equal footing. Racial equity, on the other hand, is achieved when all racial groups have relatively equal opportunities and resources.
The author argues against the use of terms like "institutional racism" or "structural racism," favoring the term "racist policy" as a more tangible and direct way to address the problem. He believes that focusing on "racial discrimination" alone overlooks the central agents of racism: the policies and policymakers that perpetuate racial inequities.
Furthermore, Kendi distinguishes between racist and antiracist ideas. Racist ideas suggest the superiority or inferiority of one racial group compared to others, thereby attributing racial inequities to inherent characteristics. In contrast, antiracist ideas promote the belief that racial groups are equal in their differences and that racist policies are responsible for perpetuating racial disparities.
According to Kendi, understanding the differences between racist and antiracist policies, as well as racist and antiracist ideas, enables us to navigate and comprehend the racialized world. He points out that racism extends beyond individual actions and permeates various aspects of society, including climate change policies, healthcare disparities, and voting rights.
In summary, Kendi's definition of being antiracist involves actively supporting and promoting antiracist policies and ideas while recognizing the impact of racist policies and ideas on perpetuating racial inequities. He emphasizes the need for self-awareness, self-criticism, and self-examination to strive towards being antiracist.
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