A truth and reconciliation committee (TRC) are temporary non-judicial institutions where perpetrators and victims can express themselves in order to increase understanding and empathy after a conflict (e.g. civil war, genocide).

Durkheim’s model of collective rituals states that collective rituals involve both at a time group symbols (e.g. flags) and collective expression (e.g. singing). The simultaneous activation of shared beliefs and emotions enhances perceived similarity among participants. The more an event provokes an emotion, the more it elicits social sharing. The coordinated interaction and reciprocal stimulation enhances empathy and emotional contagion. A climate of emotional communion takes place by boosting reciprocal attraction. The participant’s shared beliefs are put to the foreground and the self becomes less salient. This would lead individuals to leave the collective situation with enhanced self-confidence and renewed faith in life.

There is no good evidence that TRCs heal. Increases in negative antagonist emotions are strongly related to empowerment effects from participation in TRC for victims. TRCs can be seen as expiatory rituals that aim at restoring harmony and social cohesion by reasserting a community’s norms and values.

According to the self-categorization theory (SCT), social identification results from a cognitive self-categorization process due to the particular salience of social categories in the collective situation.

The need of victims is recovering some level of control and power. The need of perpetrators is regaining a positive image. Reconciliation attitudes will be reinforced if victims receive a message of empowerment and perpetrators receive a message of social acceptance. The victim’s self-esteem also needs to be increased.

Victims will be empowered by receiving information (1), apologies (2), reparation (3) and having the possibility to accept or reject the apology (4). Perpetrators will be able to erase past negative facets of their self by manifesting pro-social behaviours (1), apologizing (2) and accepting punishment (3). The perpetrators accept shame whereas the victims reduce shame and increase pride in their social identity.

Participation in a transitional ritual (e.g. TRC) reactivated negative emotions in both victims and perpetrators. Participation in Gacaca increased negative resignation emotions (1) and improved social integration (2).

Two consequences of participation to a collective ritual are triggering a strong reactivation of the emotions associated with the commemorated event (1) and contributing to the reconstruction of participants’ collective identity by boosting group cohesion and social integration (2).

The mere expression of emotions in a collective situation does not have healing effects.

The Gacaca had several effects:

• It strengthened participants’ self-definition in non-ethnic terms.
• It increased out-group perceived heterogeneity.
• It led to participants expressing more positive stereotypes of outgroup members.
• It led victims (but not perpetrators) to perceive the emotional climate as more positive and involving more cohesion.